The Impact of Poverty on Children's Education in Africa - Case Study Example

The impact of poverty on Childrens education in Africa By This research paper analyses poverty in Africaand its impact on children’s education in Africa. Human capital theory informs that education is a means by which poverty can be reduced. A review of literature reveals that poverty is a barrier to education for children in Africa for a number of reasons. Children in Africa confront a range of issues including disease, malnutrition, under-resourced schools, under-qualified teachers and so on. As a result, many children in Africa drop out of school or never attend school. Therefore a poverty trap exist in Africa as children in Africa do not obtain an education and where they do, the quality of that education prevents a reduction in poverty. Table of Contents Introduction Poverty negatively impacts educational achievement and at the same time, education is an important means by which to reduce poverty (Engle and Black, 2008). This is essentially a poverty trap in which conditions exist to prevent the reduction of poverty (Santos, 2009). According to human capital theory, investing in human capital, especially education will lead to economic growth and development and thus reduce poverty (Christoplos, 2001). Human capital theory suggest that by improving the quality of education and opportunities for obtaining a quality education, poverty will be reduced (Weber, Marre, Fisher, Gibbs, and Cromartie, 2007). However, where poverty exist, the quality of education and access to education is further complicated by conditions that impact children’s attendance in school, attitudes toward school and in turn negatively impacts outcomes (Hirsch, 2007). According to the World Bank (2013), despite reports of economic growth in Africa, poverty remains a significant problem. In addition, the reduction of poverty is unsatisfactory with no positive signs of change (World Bank 2013). According to UNICEF the impact of poverty on education in African is especially damaging. While 13% of children in developing countries between the ages of 7 and 18 never attend school, this number is significantly higher in sub-Saharan Africa, the Middle East and North Africa. In sub-Saharan Africa, 32% of girls and 27% of boys between the ages of 7 and 18 never attend school. Similarly, 33% of children between 7 and 18 never go to school in the Middle East and North Africa (UNICEF, n.d.). This research paper analyses the impact of poverty on children’s education in Africa. This is an important area of research since according to human capital theory, Africa is in a poverty trap. The poverty trap is created because education is perceived as an answer to poverty, yet poverty in Africa is making it impossible for children to achieve satisfactorily educational outcomes in Africa. This paper is divided into three main parts. The first part of this paper defines poverty and discusses human capital theory. The second part of this paper examines poverty in Africa. The third part of this paper analyses the impact of poverty on children’s education in Africa. Poverty and Human Capital Theory Definition of Poverty In common parlance, poverty refers to the ‘lack of sufficient money to ensure an adequate lifestyle’ (Newman, 2008, p. 310). For sociologists, poverty is broken down into two categories: absolute and relative poverty. Absolute poverty is the condition in which there is insufficient resources for satisfying the ‘minimal requirements’ for human survival (Newman, 2008, p. 310). Relative poverty is the situation in which individuals in one group are at a great economic disadvantage compared to others in society (Newman, 2008). The World Bank established an absolute poverty line for developing countries at US$1 a day indicating that individuals live in absolute poverty when their purchasing power is no more than US$1 a day or approximately, US$30 a month (Chen and Ravallion, 2007). At the end of the 20th century some 320 people, representing approximately half of the general population lived below the poverty line or in absolute poverty in sub-Saharan Africa. During the 1990s, 70% of Africa’s population lived in rural areas and 60% of the rural population lived in absolute poverty (Mwabu and Thorbecke, 2004). Despite improvements in the economy, Africa is classified as the poorest region in the world with the largest number of people living in absolute poverty or below the absolute poverty line. Forty-one percent of sub-Saharan Africa’s population lives below the absolute poverty line. However, in 2001, 47% of the sub-Saharan Africa’s population lived in absolute poverty. Therefore poverty has been reduced. Regardless, 30% of the overall population of Africa is described as ‘extremely poor’ (Hope, 2008, p. 3). Although poverty has been reduced in Africa and is described as a primarily rural problem, poverty has increased in urban Africa and recent estimates determined that poverty in urban Africa stands at 43% (Hope, 2008). Human Capital Theory and Education in Africa Human capital theorists argue that education is necessary for improving a populations production capacities. In other words, according to human capital theorists, ‘an educated population is a productive population’ (Olaniyan and Okemakinde, 2008, p. 479). The emphasis is on how: …education increase the productivity and efficiency of workers by increasing the level of cognitive stock of economically productive human capability which is a product of innate abilities and investment in human beings (Olaniyan and Okemakinde, 2008, p. 479). Thus providing education is perceived as just as important, or even more important than actual and direct investments in development. Economists typically agree that a nation’s human capital usually corresponds with its development and economic progress (Olaniyan and Okemakinde, 2008). Therefore, applying human capital theory to the absolute poverty in Africa, it can be assumed that human capital development in Africa is unsatisfactory. According to Bates (2000), human capital is under-developed in Africa because ‘formal institutions are weak in modern Africa’ (p. 131). Most Africans rely on social relationships to arrange economic transactions. Therefore, human capital is developed privately in Africa and is in the hands of families and ethnic groups so that opportunities for developing human capital are therefore limited and on the basis of membership into families or ethnic groups (Bates, 2000). According to Psacharopoulos and Patrinos (2004) returns on education investment pursuant to human capital theory have been the subject of estimates since the latter part of the 1950s. The returns on a primary education are 20% for males and 13% for females. Females however have a higher return on secondary education than males do. The return on secondary education for females is 18% and 14% for males. Moreover, on average, the lowest returns on education are in non-OECD European countries, the Middle East and North Africa (Psacharopoulos and Patrinos, 2004). Thus it is possible that education in these countries with the lowest returns is based on the quality of education or the poor outcomes of education. The quality of education is Africa is an issue. According to Gado and Simonis (2004), primary education is taught in a non-native language in some elementary schools in Africa. This presents a problem for children as they have to first translate the lesson’s language into their own language before attempting to understand the lesson (Gado and Simonis, 2004). Kanga (2004) also reports that institutional education appears to favour males with girls in Africa either never entering school or leaving soon after they enter and therefore adding to the illiteracy statistics in Africa. Enrolment in primary school in Africa is lower than any other region in the world. For females the enrolment rate is 85% which is low compared to other countries where enrolment rates are just under 100%. Even so, these numbers are misleading because there are significant differences from one country to another in Africa. For example, in some countries enrolment rates in primary schools are close to 100% while in some countries, especially the Sahelian countries, the enrolment rates are significantly lower with only a small number of children attending school (Appleton and Teal, 1998). It can therefore be concluded that human capital is underdeveloped in Africa for the most part. This is evidenced by the relatively low enrolment of students in primary education and the fact that many schools teach in a foreign language. Therefore, not only is the quality of education questionable, but also the investment in education and therefore the quality of schools in Africa. Poverty in Africa Economic growth in Africa has been described as ‘impressive’ (Martins, 2013, p. 2). However, this economic growth has had no real impact on poverty with poverty levels remaining a serious concern. According to Martins (2013), this is due to the fact that economic development in Africa does not necessarily create jobs. A majority of sub-Saharan countries are among the World Bank’s lowest income countries (BBC, 2006). The World Bank rates sub-Saharan Africa as having a gross national income (GNI) per person of under US$750. In Ethiopia and Burundi the GNI per person is US$90 (BBC, 2006). Where countries are rated by the World Bank as high middle income, poverty persists nonetheless. For example, poverty is widespread in high middle income countries such as Botswana and Gabon (BBC, 2006) (see Figure 1). Figure 1: GNI in Africa Source: BBC (2006) HIV/AIDS is said to be a contributing factor to poverty in Africa, particularly the sub-Saharan region. In this regard, HIV/AIDS is said to be near epidemic proportions in Africa and is an outcome of poverty. Moreover, HIV/AIDS is so widespread that it creates an obstacle to reducing poverty (Whiteside, 2002). Aside from the drain on medical health facilities, parents die of HIV/AIDS leave behind children who move in with other poor households and not only have fewer opportunities for schooling also suffer some form of stigma (Case, Paxson, and Ableidinger , 2004). Moreover, these children may also have contracted HIV/AIDS and require healthcare. Healthcare is a major problem in Africa, due to poverty. With a poor healthcare system, many Africans contract malaria, HIV/AIDS and other diseases for which they do not have adequate healthcare and this puts an even greater strain on the economy which creates debt and contributes to poverty. In the meantime, Africa’s population is described as soaring, putting further strains on an already struggling economy (Sachs, McArthur, Schmidt-Traub, Kruk, Bahadur, Faye, McCord, 2004). Making matters worse, the HIV/AIDS crisis in Africa also means that there are large number of adults who are either sick or dying or worse yet, dead, and this reduces the labour market for agriculture. When added to droughts and famine, a food crisis is also problematic in Africa (Waal and Whiteside, 2003). Poverty in Africa is a persistent problem. Afrobarometer, an independent research project the measures economic, social, and political progress in Africa. In a survey conducted by Afrobarometer between October 2012 and October 2013 in 34 countries in Africa and with 50,000 Africans, it was revealed that although Africa experienced economic growth over the last 10 years, it has not alleviated poverty. Economic growth has only served those who were already living comfortable. As it is, millions of Africans remain jobless and without adequate access to healthcare and education (Hofmeyr, 2013). Poverty in Africa and Implication for Children’s Education Although poverty accounts for large numbers of African children’s low enrolment rates in school, the enrolment rates for Africa’s orphaned children are even worse. This is because, orphaned children in Africa are more likely from poor homes and upon being orphaned are sent to live in low income homes where resources are sparse. In such a case, investments in education are low priorities. Where orphans living in poverty do attend school, they usually have much lower academic outcomes than non-orphaned children. Again, this is because, education is not a priority to the poor households that take on orphaned children. Moreover, many of the orphaned children lost their parents to AIDS and as a result, they are often discriminated against in their inherited households (Case, et al., 2004). Children in Africa who are exposed to parental HIV/AIDS, undoubtedly live in very difficult circumstances. In late 1999, 72% of all HIV infections globally, were in Africa. Moreover, 91% of children with HIV infections live in Africa (Foster and Williamson, 2000). AIDS is prevalent in Africa’s poorest communities and where adults contract AIDS, children suffer well before the death of their parent or parents. With a sick and dying parent or parents, the child is forced into the role of caregiver and as such, withdraws from school to not only take care of their ill parent or parents, but also to work so that the family can at the very least, meet some of its basic needs (Foster and Williamson, 2000). Children, most often girls, are forced to withdraw from school to take care of aunts or sisters who are sick with AIDS. When relatives take in an orphaned niece or nephew, the poor family’s income is overburdened and as a result, children in the household are withdrawn from school as the family needs the extra income to feed the orphaned child (Foster and Williamson, 2000). It therefore appears that education is a luxury for families in poor communities in Africa when a family member contracts HIV/AIDS. Children in household where HIV/AIDS is contracted and children in households that foster children orphaned by AIDS are required to make sacrifices that are even unfair to adults. Children raised in households below the poverty line suffer a number of problems including, malnutrition, ill health, and households that are not stimulating. Any one of those outcomes of poverty has a detrimental impact on the child’s ‘cognitive, motor, and social-development’ (Grantham-McGregor, Cheung, Cueto, Glewwe, Richter, and Strupp, 2007, p. 60). Worldwide, 200 million children under the age of 5 are not developing as they should due to poverty. A vast majority of those children live in south Asia and sub-Saharan Africa (Grantham-McGregor, et al., 2007). Therefore, educational outcomes for children living in poverty in Africa and elsewhere are bleak. Barajas, Philipsen and Brooks-Gunn (2008) report that when children live in poverty they lack ‘goods and services considered essential to human well-being’ (p. 311). It is therefore hardly surprising that children living in poverty have been found to have unsatisfactory ‘early cognitive, verbal and behavioural outcomes’ (Barajas, et al., 2008, p. 311). Differences in cognitive function between children living in poverty and children who do not live in poverty are usually obvious when children are age 2. However, those difference either remain the same or become worse by age 5. These differences show that children living in poverty have cognitive functioning that is well behind that of children who are not living in poverty (Barajas, et al., 2008). The lower cognitive functioning of children living in poverty shows up in educational outcomes. Children living in poverty and therefore with lower cognitive functioning that children who are not living in poverty tend to have ‘lower achievement in school, grade retention, and school dropout’ (Barajas, et al., 2008, p. 312). Moreover, children living in poverty tend to exhibit behavioural problems such as ‘poor peer relations’, ‘conduct disorder’, ‘depression’ and ‘delinquency’ (Barajas, et al., 2008, p. 312). Research has shown that children with poor academic outcomes are usually linked to poor social relations and disruptive behaviours (Adams, Snowling, Hennessy, and Kind, 1999). Children orphaned by AIDS and living in poverty in Africa are expected to exhibit behavioural problems due to the stigma attached to parental AIDS, the exposure to sick and dying parents and the subsequent loss of parents. As Olley (2008) reported, studies in both West and sub-Saharan Africa indicate that children who are orphaned due to AIDS are at risk of both health and behavioural problems. Olley (2008) tested these claims on a sample of orphaned children at the Gede Foundation in Abuja, Nigeria which is operated by a non-governmental organization. The Rutter Scale A, for parents was filled out by caregivers to orphaned children and control group of children who were not orphans (Olley, 2008). The results of the study demonstrate that AIDS orphans were more likely to have mental and social disorders than their non-orphan cohorts. Likewise, AIDS orphans were more likely than their non-orphan cohorts to have headaches, wet their beds and to be emotionally alienated at school. AIDS orphans also had reports of fighting frequently at home and at school, were restless, disobedient and usually disliked by other school children. AIDS orphans were reported very unhappy, found tasks more difficult than non-orphans, were prone to worry, were dishonest and were frequently bullies (Olley, 2008). Therefore, both the physical and emotional problems suffered by orphaned children living in poverty are expected to negatively impact their educational outcomes. For AIDS orphan the risk of physical and emotional problems are worse than for children who live in poverty but have familial support and live with a parent or parents. AIDS orphans not only suffer from the lack of sustenance, but also from a lack of emotional support and in addition, they suffer the loss of their parent or parents. Due to poverty, these children lack the resources necessary for obtaining emotional support for adjusting to their losses. When this is added to their lack of resources for substance, the risk of behavioural and emotional problems, together with slow or delayed cognitive development is heightened with a greater risk of poor academic outcomes, grade retention and dropping out. Making matters worse for children living in poverty in Africa, it has been reported in the literature that children who experience poverty earlier in life tend to have long-term and far reaching academic and social difficulties compared to children who experience poverty later on (Brooks-Gunn and Duncan, 1997). This is because in the earlier years children who live in poverty often lack access to nutrition needed for their proper development (Brooks-Gunn and Duncan, 1997). In fact the lack of nutrition commences for children living in poverty before childbirth (Black, Allen, Bhutta, Caulfield, de Onis, Ezzati, Mathers, and Rivera, 2008). Mothers with malnutrition as a result of living in absolute poverty often give birth to babies with low birth weight or die while giving birth. The baby either dies or ends up in the care of an equally poor family and quite often homeless at some stage. These children who are born to undernourished mothers who survive will often suffer from stunting (Black, et al., 2008). Children in early childhood are especially effected by a lack of nutrition because nutrition is necessary for their development. Reportedly, one out of three pre-schoolers in developing countries suffer from stunting as a result of malnutrition. Rather, in developing countries, 178 million children under age 5 suffer from stunting. Up to 80% of these children live in 20 African and Asia Pacific countries (Black, et al., 2008). Complicating matters for these children, mothers and caregivers often permit the stunting to go untreated due to a lack of education and/or a lack of access to resources or due to poverty (Duc, 2009). This is important because there is a link between nutrition and academic outcomes. In essence, good nutrition is linked to better academic outcomes than poor nutrition (Duc, 2009). These outcomes are obviously linked to the fact that nutrition is necessary for the child’s development and in particular, the child’s cognitive development (Duc, 2009). The link between poverty and stunting is explained by Benson and Shekar (2006) as follows: …undernutrition starts early in life – more than a third of African children under the age of five are stunted in their growth and must fact a range of physical and cognitive challenges not faced by their better-nourished peers (p. 87). In addition to contributing to 55% of child deaths in Africa, malnutrition also heightens the risk of disease (Benson and Shekar, 2006). As a result, malnourished children are vulnerable to missing school excessively, even when they are enrolled in school. Altogether 200 million adults and children in Africa suffer from malnutrition indicating that access to food and services are limited (Benson and Shekar, 2006). In other words, the demand for food and services are disproportionate to the supply. Children would usually be able to look to adults for assistance and aid when public services are scarce. However, with 200 million adults and children suffering from undernourishment in Africa, children are unable to look to adults for assistance, since adults are also suffering from undernourishment and are just as vulnerable to disease and death as children are. The problems associated with malnutritition, AIDS orphans and lack of resources are also complicated by the fact that schools are under-resourced also due to poverty in Africa. As Agbor (2012) reports, of the 128 million children in school in sub-Saharan Africa, only one half is expected to obtain the ‘basic skills needed for them to live healthy and productive lives’. Girls are particularly vulnerable as they are forced to assume domestic duties and usually have a lower enrolment rate than boys and also have a higher attrition rate than boys. According to Agbor (2012), girls are even less likely to learn to read and write and to do simply mathematics than boys. Gender gaps are more significant in South Africa, Uganda, Malawi, Zimbabwe, Lesotho and Botswana (Agbor, 2012). The impoverished conditions in rural areas are even more significant. Due to poverty in rural areas in Africa, schools are underdeveloped and there are disproportionate to the number of students. Thus schools in rural areas in Africa have a disproportionate ratio of children to teachers in overcrowded and under-equipped classrooms. Moreover, teachers are under-qualified (Agbor, 2012). Therefore, due to poverty, children in rural areas on Africa are at a heightened risk of achieving a low quality education, if and when they do enrol in school. It would also appear, that with a low number of teachers assigned to a large number of students, supervision is poor and children are largely neglected. As Agbor (2012) explains, in rural areas in Africa, infrastructure is rare and where it does exist it is underdeveloped or in disrepair. Welfare services are also non-existent in rural areas in Africa. There are also no public transportation services so that children have a difficult time getting to school. When a child becomes ill, the child will not have access to healthcare services and will likely simply drop out of school (Agbor, 2012). In other words, there are really no incentives for going to school or for remaining in school as the quality of education and school infrastructure are both poor and getting to school is difficult. In Africa, especially in sub-Saharan Africa, only around half of the children in school complete primary school. Even where children complete primary school, they are often unable to read or write (Hillman and Jenkner, 2004). This is because schools are generally under-developed, lacking essential educational tools and teachers are usually under-qualified. Moreover, teachers are typically under-paid and classrooms are overcrowded. In addition, children often do not have basic tools such as textbooks, pens, and papers (Hillman and Jenkner, 2004). Poverty therefore, has both a direct and indirect impact on the quality of education that is provided to and received by children in Africa. Schools and teachers are under-resourced and children who do attend school face a range of physical and emotional health issues resulting from poverty and its impact on their ability to access nutrition and welfare services. Poverty also presents a barrier to children going to school and remaining in school when enrolled. Therefore, a poverty trap exists in that poverty prevents children obtaining an education although an education is an escape from poverty. Conclusion Although human capital theory assumes than education is the answer to poverty, poverty in Africa affects far too many African children and in doing so, presents a substantial obstacle to Africa’s children obtaining an education. Where children to have access to education, the quality of that education is poor. As a result a poverty trap exist in Africa where malnutrition which impacts cognitive development keeps many of Africa’s children out of school. Poverty contributes to a number of factors that makes it difficult for African children to enrol in school and when they do enrol in school, poverty and its persistent problems makes it difficult for many African children to remain in school. Children living in poverty face a number of problems from disease, lack of resources, behavioural problems and so on. 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