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The Importance and Implication of Early Attachment to Childrens Social and Emotional Competence - Essay Example

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 This essay examines John Bowlby’s attachment theory and its practice within the teacher-student relationship in primary education. Thereby, this essay will demonstrate the value of an approach to primary education that integrates attachment theory and research.  …
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The Importance and Implication of Early Attachment to Childrens Social and Emotional Competence
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The Importance and Implication of Early Attachment to Children’s Social and Emotional Competence Introduction Empirical findings about primary education indicate that an accommodating relationship within a casual environment is fundamental to successful teaching and learning. Attachment theory and research present a multifaceted and deepened understanding of the implication of an ‘accommodating relationship’ (Geddes, 2006). A well founded body of attachment theory and research provides a framework for recognising essential relationships, as well as the teacher-student relationship within the primary education system (Wilson, 2003). A reasonable addition is that attachment theory and research can offer a framework for analysing the teacher-student relationship. In particular, understanding of attachment’s internal working models can enhance understanding of the dynamics and processes of teaching and learning. When the teacher-student relationship is bolstered, the prospect of students for successful learning is enhanced (Bishop, 2008). This essay examines John Bowlby’s attachment theory and its practice within the teacher-student relationship in primary education. Thereby, this essay will demonstrate the value of an approach to primary education that integrates attachment theory and research. Proposals for practice are put forth. Primarily, the genius of John Bowlby (1988) was to assemble a range of philosophical perspectives and scientific disciplines to ponder on children’s growth from biological beings into advanced cultural and social beings. Due to this encouraging combination of ethology and psychology, evolutionary biology and theory, cognitive science and systems thinking, the interpersonal and personal, surfaced the notion of attachment (Howe et al., 1999), which in the view of contemporary scholars is more than just another model of children’s emotional and social development: ‘it is the theory that subsumes and integrates all others. It is a relationship-based theory of personality development and our psychosocial progress through life’ (Howe et al., 1999: 10). Because of this, according to George (1996), the nature and value of children’s intimate or personal relationships matter to a great extent, as do all the things that influence these relationships—the natural volatile character of children, relationship history of parents, the pressures created by the material and social environment. Obviously, the value of relationships will differ from family to family. Bishop (2008) elaborates that of specific concern to nurture school workers is the awareness that negative relationships disturb children’s capability of developing strong emotional and social understanding. Children who grew up in these environments may perceive interpersonal life frustrating and traumatic. These disappointments may, consequently, result in problem behaviours (Bishop, 2008). In fact, as George (1996) claims, occurrences such as maltreatment, neglect, abuse and abandonment always takes place in the context of relationships. As Rutter (1991) states: What has stood the test of time has been the proposition that the qualities of parent-child relationships constitute a central aspect of parenting that the development of social relationships occupies a crucial role in personality growth, and that abnormalities in relationships are important in many types of psychopathology (p. 3). Garner and Estep (2001), in support of Bowlby’s attachment theory, argue that it is within infants’ attachment associations that they first learn to systematise their expression and communication of behaviour and emotion. Afterwards, the recognition and show of emotions starts to observe other people’s emotional conditions and social environment where in interpersonal life transpires. Goldberg (2000) furthers that the understanding by the individual that social life entails a continuous interaction between self-spontaneous minds held by their own thoughts, belies, motives, and feelings is an integral attribute of attachment theory. As Grossman (1995) states, “Attachment is not one relationship among others, it is the very foundation of healthy individual development” (p. 89). Experiences of relationship that are the generally developmentally strong enable people to see themselves as independent and secure but eager to accept assistance (Grossman, 1995). In addition, with its capability of enlightening healthy development of personality, attachment theory has contributed in understanding how social difficulty puts children at higher risk of undergoing interpersonal conflict and personal anxiety, and of advancing problem behaviours (Shields, Dickstein, Seifer, Giusti, Magee and Spritz, 2001). Significance and Implication of Early Attachment in Children’s Social and Emotional Behaviour Secure early attachments are believed to smooth the path of later psychosocial progress. Bowlby and Erikson illustrated the secure, trusting baby as one who is strengthened with constructive outlooks toward others and the self (Wilson, 2003). S/he goes into new relationships with a belief that his/her needs will be valued and with an eagerness to value the needs of others. His/her security assists him in confronting new challenges and opportunities; s/he has faith in the future. Neither Bowlby nor Erikson distinguished the constructive attitude of the secure child as irreversible (Wilson, 2003). Whilst secure children fulfil a function in making their optimistic hopes come true by their own responses to others and through their choice of partners, they are not all influential (Goldberg, 2000). If subsequent experiences, particularly with caregivers, break their hopes, their growing thoughts about others and their selves could be altered, adding in more unconstructive expectations (Howe et al., 1999). Overall, early attachment is believed to initiate mechanism that can have enduring outcomes; however, the quality of care that the child keeps on receiving can either reinforce or reorient those mechanisms (Howe et al., 1999). Therefore, the question is does the quality of early attachment determine later psychosocial performance? Sroufe and colleagues (2005) monitored a representative sample of children from Minneapolis, starting with two evaluations of attachment condition in the unusual state at 12 and 18 months. Children who have stable attachment condition from the first to the second evaluation were afterwards assessed on an array of cognitive and interpersonal domains, and variations were discovered between the securely and insecurely attached children on several aspects (Sroufe et al., 2005). When the children reached the age of 4, for instance, 40 of them joined a nursery school programme. Teachers, who were unaware about the previous attachment evaluations, graded the children every day on attributes associated with independence, such as over dependence on the teacher, attention seeking, attachment to teachers without regard for peers, and others (Sroufe et al., 2005). The children who had been insecurely attached as infants were more prone to behave vulnerably, to show off for attention or in several instances to submissively avoid asking for assistance when they really needed it (Garner and Estep, 2001). Securely attached children were more frequently distinguished by teachers as appropriate and explicit in their reliance behaviours, asking for help when they practically needed it but working by themselves in other circumstances (Garner and Estep, 2001). In evaluations at subsequent ages, the children exhibited other connections too. For example, in a summer camp at a later age, securely attached children had a tendency to be more self-assured, to possess better social abilities, to have more buddies, and others. Numerous studies have discovered similar connections (Sroufe et al., 2005). When newborns are securely attached to their mother and father they appear to have the most favourable development; if they are securely attached only to their mother or father, their development are healthier than if they are insecurely attached to both parents (Rutter, 1991). Hence, a secure attachment bond with a second parent puts in a defensive attribute, possibly helping to protect a child from the destructive effect of an insecure attachment (Rutter, 1991). A number of researchers have also proposed that because both parents have a tendency to intermingle in their own way with their newborns, the attachment bond with each parent may influence various features of the child’s psychosocial growth (Hertzig and Farber, 2000). In British families, for instance, mothers spend substantial amount of time with babies in serene, ritualised habits such as peek-a-boo games, in which simultaneity of facial expressions, eye contact, and vocalisations are major features (Rutter, 1991). Fathers have a tendency to participate in more active, exciting games; they are more stimulating and impulsive (Sroufe, 1996). Whether attachments of infants to mothers as opposed to fathers influence various attributes of later social performance is yet to be established. However, one research is indicative (Sroufe, 1996). Pecheux and Labrell (1994 as cited in Hertzig and Farber, 2000: 190) discovered that babies were more playful and more prone to smile with an unfamiliar person if their fathers were there when the stranger drew near than if their mothers were there. In sum, there is little uncertainty that attachment relationships of infants are indicative of some later attitudes and behaviours. What, in that case, is the importance of building a strong foundation of secure infant attachment? It could be that the main influence of attachment relationships of infants is their inclination to sustain themselves (George, 1996). When a relationship style between child and parent is created, it has a tendency to be repeated; once it is, the behaviour of the older child is in agreement with expectations from the early attachment (George, 1996). In his/her earliest relationships, an infant may well develop an initial ‘working framework’ of what to anticipate from relationships (Shields et al., 2001). That framework influences his/her expectations and behaviour in the future, but the framework is underway and will be modified in the framework of new interactions (Shields et al., 2001). Application of Attachment Theory in Early Childhood Education Children who missed out an early nurturing or attachment experience are all headed down a direction towards difficulties with their own interactions as young children and adults. Insecure attachment shows in attachment conducts which are purposeful childhood coping processes, but are no longer suitable when infants grow up (Wilson, 2003). The internal working frameworks shaped by these early behaviours and experiences influence the individual’s interactions and perception of the world around them. This leads to restless children being considerably needier, with children who are anxious-avoidant discovered to be the most unpleasant friends, deceitful and controlling and enjoying the misery of others, and anxious-hesitant children discovered to be socially inept and selfish (Hertzig and Farber, 2000). Children with attachment problems may have had experiences that introduced them to a world that is not capable of understanding their needs and demands or keep them emotionally or physically from harm (Shields et al., 2001). Therefore, multitudes have learned that they should take complete control if they want to survive. Giving up that control generates a weakening degree of anxiety for these learners with a severe effect on their capability to work at school as it is impossible for them to simultaneously orient their endeavours to learning and self-defence (Howe et al., 1999). Hence, one means to working with learners with attachment problems is to provide the learner with a sense of control and alternative as much as possible, but within the boundaries established by the adults in command (Wilson, 2003). While numerous learners with problematic attachments understand the world as incapable of keeping them from harm, as argued by George (1996), some reflexively think that the world’s incapability of keeping them safe actually shows their own lack of merit to be cared for. These learners, according to Bowlby (1989), may attempt to build experiences that ‘validate’ these assumptions to be true. In several of these cases, students will attempt to rebuild experiences of abandonment, neglect, or abuse by others by bringing out responses of resentment, hatred, or narrow-mindedness. If they are triumphant in fostering adult resentment, abandonment or offensive behaviour, the student’s perception of themselves as ‘undesirable’ will be confirmed (Bishop, 2008). Therefore, attempts of classrooms and schools to remould the child’s sense of confidence in individuals should be guided by curiosity, sympathy, and calmness and refusal to become involved in the unconscious attempts of the child to have people snub them (Hertzig & Farber, 2000). The following steps are the most common strategies used by schools and classrooms to help children with attachment related issues. These techniques are based on Bowlby’s (1988) premises and that of his advocates discussed previously (Geddes, 2006): (1) Teach children constructive social skills or ways to relate and interact with others; (2) model positive social interactions and relationships; (3) furnish opportunity for the learner to collaborate with peers who will represent proper social abilities; (4) interact frequently with the learners to monitor their social relationships; and (5) strengthen the student for displaying constructive, proper social skills. However, developing social and emotional competence is the most challenging task of all. Promoting Social Competence In order to address a child’s special need to experience the pleasure of being an ordinary kid, the role of play have to be taken into account, as children have a tendency to build friendships through games and other play tasks (Grossman, 1995). This technique is supported by Bishop (2008) who maintains that interactive and cooperative play also functions as an essential context where in children obtain both social abilities such as sharing, turn taking, and co-operation, and social understanding comprising the capability of understanding the emotions, thoughts, and perceptions of other people. Interactive play, occasionally called ‘social play’, is different from other forms of play, such as motor, symbolic, and object play, in that its key emphasis is on play with others as opposed to playing alone (Wilson, 2003). The level or classification of play where in a child is involved most of the time provides a number of suggestion of the forms of social skills s/he has cultivated and the kinds of objectives suitable for a personalised social intervention programme (Garner and Estep, 2001). What play objects and materials are obtainable? Who are the play buddies? What incidents have gone before this play time? These questions are important in determining proper and suitable intervention approaches. Promoting Emotional Competence Social circumstances are seldom empty of emotion, and emotional skill fulfils a crucial function in building and sustaining peer relationships. This appears to be particularly the case at the early childhood stage, as mentioned by Bowlby and Erikson, in which peer interactions are frequently distinguished by high degrees of negative and positive emotion (Hinde, 1995). Children who are familiar with emotions and who have the ability to control the expression of feelings are more prone to initiate complicated interpersonal dialogues with their peers (Howes, 1980). Studies show that children who are skilled at interpreting situation and expressive signs if emotion are more liked by peers than other children. While emotional and social development was, sometimes, perceived as a distinct developmental area, emotional ability is presently being acknowledged as an area of development that is independent from, but related to, social ability (Geddes, 2006). According to Garner and Estep (2001), emotionally capable children have knowledge on how to change their behaviour to match with the thoughts and feelings of their play partners. They are also less prone to be caught up in furious quarrels with peers and to apply positive approaches in response to possibly at odds situations. Studies on emotional capability indicate that there are various forms or features of this dimension of development (Shields et al., 2001). Garner and Estep’s (2001) study concentrated on four kinds of emotional skill: ‘situation knowledge, explanations of emotions, positivity of emotional expression, and emotional intensity’ (Wilson, 2003: 92). Situation knowledge and explanation of emotions stand for children’s understanding of emotions—specifically, an understanding of others’ and one’s own emotions (Wilson, 2003). Abilities linked to understanding of emotions involve (1) assuming the feelings and thoughts of others (2) defending own behaviour or attitudes to peers, and (3) showing empathy to the others’ emotions (Rutter, 1991). Children who are lacking in emotional understanding have a tendency to misunderstand emotional and social signs which, consequently, hinders with their capability of building and sustaining strong social relationships with peers (Sroufe, 1996); children who have improved emotional knowledge, in contrast, experience a higher frequency of healthy peer relationships than do other children (Sroufe, 1996). The other two kinds of emotional abilities, positivity of emotional expression and emotional intensity, concentrate on the expressivity of children. These two kinds associate with how feelings, both negative and positive, are communicated (Wilson, 2003). Emotionally capable children are capable of adjusting behaviour and emotional expressions. Situation knowledge associates with children’s knowledge of related clues applied to assume the source of an emotional expression (Wilson, 2003). Situation knowledge also associates with children’s judgment about how to act in response to emotionally intense circumstances (Sroufe, 1996). Emotionally knowledgeable children have a tendency to have fewer antagonistic dialogues with peers, and, when conflicts do arise, they appear better capable of exercising rational argument to mitigate the disagreement than children lacking with emotional knowledge (Goldberg, 2000). The following attachment strategies, as strengthened by Bowlby and Erikson, are usually employed in promoting emotional competence (Goldberg, 2000): (1) giving time to spend listening and talking to the children; (2) being nurturing and compassionate, or being adjusted to their response to teacher’s empathy and respond appropriately; (3) learning as much as possible about attachment and problems related to attachment because these types of children can be quite problematic; (4) taking time to identify and understand the enthusiasm primary to the student’s behaviour, or consulting with the personnel of the school’s special education or behavioural experts about performing a functional behaviour evaluation if the primary motivation is unclear; and (5) interacting with these learners on the basis of their emotional maturity. Preventive approaches acknowledge that teachers can fulfil a major function in cultivating children’s emotional ability. Sroufe and colleagues (2005) introduced models of specific techniques which include teaching students on coping, emotional knowledge, perspective-taking abilities and situation knowledge. While these more instructive approaches have proven successful, according to George (1996), studies investigating teachers’ spontaneously arising influences suggest that secure emotional attachments of preschoolers to their teachers also affect children’s expression of feelings in school. Further, Bishop (2008) asserts that young children who cultivate secure attachments to their mentors are less prone to take part in behaviour problems and uncontrolled anger. They are also more prone to express constructive emotions in the school situations. A close, affectionate relationship between teacher and student, in that case, may fulfil a major function in preschoolers’ developing emotional skill. Research findings suggest the regulation and understanding of emotion serve a major function in preschoolers’ classroom adjustment (Wilson, 2003). However, as reported by Shields and colleagues (2001), ‘In the majority of preschool contexts... emotion socialisation does not have an easily defined place in the curriculum, and emotional issues are likely to receive sustained attention from school personnel only during crisis situations’ (p. 90). They propose, for a more pre-emptive strategy, that teachers function as ‘emotion mentors’ and exemplars in even regular circumstances during an ordinary school day (Shields et al., 2001). They propose that teachers utilise daily situations in the classroom to assist children in understanding emotions and fostering effective coping abilities (Shields et al., 2001). There are numerous spontaneously arising opportunities for children to gain knowledge on how to cope with the disappointment of gaining proficiency in a new academic field, how to resolve the intricate behaviours engaged in co-operative and sharing relationships with peers, and how to handle negative feelings such as anger when constraints are placed on their behaviour. Educators should be encouraged to take seriously the value of building strong relationships with preschoolers as an instrument for promoting emotional competence. Conclusions Current strategies to early childhood education broadly recognise that the relationships of young children with others serve a major function in their learning and social-emotional development. This paper examined the concept of interactions and relationship within the framework of early childhood initiatives through a review of the applicability and relevance of attachment theory to contemporary knowledge of the nature and implications of young children’s relationships in these environments. An examination of the social-emotional framework of relationships, the children’s role in building relationships, and the quality of peer relationships results in the suggestion that researchers, practitioners, and policy makers have to make use of a broader, more dynamic relationship strategies that involve, but go beyond, that provided by attachment theory. Teacher-student relationship and attachment theory deals with three distinct issues on classroom management: (1) the influence of teachers’ attachment approach on the building and sustenance of classroom relationships; (2) the significance of attachment mechanisms in setting students and teachers’ emotional responses to everyday instructive activities; and (3) the extent of effect these aspects have on the classroom behaviour of teachers, specifically handling of student behaviour. References Ainsworth, M. et al. (1978). Patterns of attachment. Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum . Bishop, S. (2008). Running a Nurture Group. London: Sage. Bowlby, J. (1988). A secure base. London: Routledge. Garner, P.W. and Estep, K.M. (2001). Emotional competence, emotion socialisation, and young children's peer-related social competence. Early Education and Development , 29-46. Geddes, H. (2006). Attachment in the Classroom. London: Worth. George, C. (1996). A representational perspective of child abuse and prevention: internal working models of attachment and caregiving. Child Abuse and Neglect , 411-24. Goldberg, S. (2000). Attachment and Development. London: Arnold. Grossman, K. (1995). Evolution and history of attachment research. In S. Goldberg, R. Muir, and J. Kerr (Ed.), Attachment Theory: Social, Developmental and Clinical Perspectives (pp. 85-122). Hillsdale, NJ: Analytic Press . Hertzig, M. and Farber, E. (2000). Annual Progress in Child Psychiatry and Child Development 1999. Ann Arbor, MI: Routledge. Hinde, R. (1995). A suggested structure for a science of relationships. Personal Relationships , 1-15. Howe, D., Brandon, M., Hinings, D. and Schofield, G. (1999). Attachment Theory, Child Maltreatment, and Family Support: A Practice Assessment Model. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Howes, C. (1980). Peer play scale as an index of complexity of peer interaction. Developmental Psychology , 371-372. Rutter, M. (1991). A fresh look at maternal deprivation. In P. Bateson (Ed.), The Development and Integration of Behaviour. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Shields, A., Dickstein, S., Seifer, R., Giusti, L., Magee, K.D. and Spritz, B. (2001). Emotional competence and early school adjustment: a study of preschoolers at risk. Early Education and Development , 73-90. Sroufe, L. (1996). Emotional development: The organisation of emotional life in the early years. New York: Wiley. Sroufe, L.A., Egeland, B., Carlson, E.A. and Collins, W.A. (2005). The Development of the Person: The Minnesota Study of Risk and Adaptation from Birth to Childhood. New York: The Guilford Press. Wilson, R. A. (2003). Special Educational Needs in the Early Years. New York: RoutledgeFalmer. Read More
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