Schooling and Educational Opportunities for Females in the UK - Changes - Essay Example

 Reading Education Research Introduction Schooling and educational opportunities for females in the UK have undergone a radical change in recent years. Whereas there were relatively few disciplines available where the average middle class female could make her mark and pursue career aspirations in the 1950s and 1960s, the curriculum of today allows the female no shortage of opportunities- be it in engineering, mathematics, sciences or the arts. Consequently the gender differences in scoring in these subjects have also reduced, evidencing not only female ability but also the interest to pursue these traditionally male dominated preserves. No more the docile and malleable housewife, we have polytechnics, sports arenas and various theaters and venues of learning and development where the post-16 female can take her place alongside her male counterpart in devising a common and predictable future. How the Papers Being Compared Discuss Female Educational Opportunities This comparison paper looks at the present state of post-16 educational opportunities for females (Archer et al, 2007) in contrast with those available to them in the 1950 and 1960s in the Post World War II era (Evans, 1991). It is evident that much has flowed under the bridge and the past has contributed to the present in a very effective manner. While the Archer article adopts a more clinical research based stance, the merit of the Evans piece is that it is personal and engaging as well. Only at certain points she guides us as to the points she wants to make. In their paper entitled ‘Class, gender, heterosexuality and schooling: paradoxes within working-class girls' engagement with education and post-16 aspirations’ as published in the British Journal of Sociology of Education of March 2007, the authors discuss ways in which inner-city and ethnically diverse working-class girls' constructions of hetero-femininities mediate and shape their engagement or disengagement with education and schooling. This study was based on data collected from 89 urban working-class youth in London. The authors mainly touched upon three main ways through which these young women used heterosexual femininities to construct capital and generate identity value and worth- these were (1) through investment in appearance using glamorous hetero-femininities, (2) through heterosexual relationships with boyfriends, and (3) through the ‘ladette’ phenomena. They maintain that young women's investments in particular forms of heterosexual working-class femininity can affect very deeply their engagement or disengagement from schooling and education. They focus on the paradoxes that arise when these constructions interact with other oppressive power structures. Class, Gender, Heterosexuality and Schooling Paradoxes- A Detailed Analysis Archer et al. (2007) start off by commenting on the lower academic scores that boys typically achieve compared to girls in the GCSE and other competitive examinations and seek to determine the reasons for this. This underachievement is a cause of concern for many countries- from the UK to New Zealand. However as Epstein and others have noted, it is not as simple as this because a more detailed look indicates that not all boys are doing badly and indeed, not all girls are doing well. There are complexities of social class, gender and ethnicity that underlie these results which must be addressed. Amazingly, Kenway (2003, page ix) found that girls leaving school early had more problems than boys in securing employment. The focus of the Archer et al. paper is on unravelling the hidden issue of the problems that girls face due to disengagement of education and the ensuing inequalities that must be borne by the post 16 female workers. Studies since the 1970s have indicated the peculiar problems faced by girls in relation to romance, relationships with boys, sexuality and marriage as a part of our subculture which impact upon their career choices and aspirations. Not surprisingly, Skeggs and others (1997) found that the choices of multitudes of women in society are bound by ideas of leaving school, working locally, and settling down into a heterosexual relationship inside of marriage. Thus Connolly and Healy (2004) also find that local choices and social interrelationships structure female habits such that few dream beyond the established norms. However more recent research circa 2005 has uncovered the species of ‘ladette’ being a female that corresponds to and apes ‘laddish’ behaviour in the male; this usually relates to underachievement and being loud, boorish and even using sexually explicit language. Archer et al. aim to establish the root cause of this phenomenon and how it came about. Social Class in Context For the purposes of this study, the researchers have stated that it is best to consider social class as a fuzzy combination produced by elements of social, economic and power relationships. In this society, educational and social inequalities are culturally produced. While females can use these heterosexual relationships to generate social worth, it is ultimately paradoxical because these are affected by power relationships. The paper is an outcome of two years study funded by the Esmer Fairbairn Foundation, exploring the relationships engendered by females that have been identified by their learning institutions as being in danger of dropping out of school and unlikely to pursue further post 16-education. 53 of the young people were tracked over two years from age 14-16 and were interviewed four times at various stages of the project while 36 of the participants were involved in discussion groups. 37 females were also included and the ethnicities ranged from white UK to African, Caribbean, Asian and Middle Eastern. These pupils represented six London schools across a wide area. Physical Representation Coming to the area of physical representation, we find that these young women tended to use makeup and attire to present themselves to the world in a certain way considering their age group and aspirations. However they were nonplussed about the negative repercussions it generated in schools. They were constantly reprimanded about their makeup, hairstyles and choice of clothing. Also girls tended to be more conscious about looking the part and spent far too much time in makeup rooms and washrooms compared to boys, for whom attitude and attire was just one aspect of growing up. Dressing up for girls has also traditionally engendered positions of negativity or sexiness that detracts from the image expected of a studious pupil. Females more than males, have been seen to be preoccupied with body issues. They also tend to be more affected by peer pressure and want to conform while avoiding being called too promiscuous or tramp by their cohorts (Archer et al, 2007, 171). . The Place of Relationships Girls tended to use boyfriends as a form of social capital with which to differentiate themselves. Boys on the other hand were embarrassed to divulge any sort of feelings for their girlfriends and kept this issue under wraps. However some like Babu, a Bengali at Riverway recalled that his girlfriend played a key part in getting him off cannabis and connecting back to studies. Girls mentioned their boyfriends more readily and frequently in their conversations but this tended to have a negative effect on their studying. For instance one girl Jordan fell pregnant and had to quit school when her baby got ill. Others were concerned about what their parents or others would say and ethnic memories tended to keep the identities if their boyfriends secret. Yet they could not help feeling that having a boyfriend tied them down in some way to their fate and lowered their chances of being successful and independent. It was seen that they lowered their aspirations and wanted to settle down and conform to the rules of a patriarchal society (Archer et al, 2007, 174). . The Evolution of the ‘Ladette’ Another type of role model that was adopted by some females was that of the ‘ladette’ or tomboy. These girls were mostly the sporty type and loved the outdoors. Competitive, physical and enjoying playing with the boys, these females were less bothered with their nails and makeup and even their attire of baggy jeans and tracksuits conformed to more of the opposite sex. Proud of their ability to bunk classes or be loud and smoke and drink, they tended to get into trouble with the school administration. One female Melissa tended to favor Nike all through her pre-graduation year. However she felt that teachers were more lenient towards girls who acted and felt like girls and so she decided to change her image after having to wear a skirt and blouse at a wedding. She was pleased when people were pleasantly surprised at her girly appearance and this played a major factor in changing her dress code and her aspirations for the future. She ultimately enrolled in a Media course at a local college. We can conclude from the paper that the strong impact of heterosexuality in social relationships and status makes it hard for females to express their individuality and thus they have to conform to the rules of society. However this may not be all bad as masculinity and femininity are related and it is one that gives legitimacy to the other considering our roles in society (Archer et al, 2007, 175). Culture and Class- A Detailed Analysis In Culture and Class (1991), Mary Evans comments on the social structure of the 1950s and 1960s and how it created pathways for the more open and progressive era of the 1990s and the new millennium. The grammar school pupil of the 1950s had the best chance of academic success and a future career if they passed the exams at 11 plus that led to admission in the prestigious high schools where they could study on till late adolescence. Mathematics, English and General Intelligence were the three subjects examined. Each paper being of half hour duration, the performance of candidates was sealed in that one and a half hour on a given day in January every year. There was no other method of assessment. However the topics and syllabi were generally geared to the needs and aspirations of the British middle class families. That is why it was necessary to pass the tests. That said, the number of places available was not only disproportionately higher in Wales than for the rest of the UK, but it was also noticed that the number of places allotted for girls was less than that available for boys (Evans, 1991, 62). However given the curriculum and the imagination and the writing and calculating prowess needed it was almost impossible for working class children to pass this examination. This notwithstanding, the homogeneity of the selected pupils was evident from their social background and upbringing, wherein all had access to cars, lived in detached homes and could afford uniforms and stationery. The cost of passing the 11 plus and its aftermath was prohibitory for the working class. An entire new wardrobe was needed and this could only be had at considerable expense from a prestigious store about 40 miles from Central London. Another thing that distinguished the working class from the middle class was their father’s occupation and shoe inspection. Having a working mother and belonging to any other religion than the Church of England was considered peculiar and scandalous. Nevertheless it eventually began to be accepted that working mothers wanted to do more than just be a housewife. Good shoes as could be had at Clarks and Start-rite involved considerable expense for the three pairs needed- as compared to the lesser quality footwear that could be had at Bata or Freemans. In those days it was thought of as eminently proper for a girl not to divert attention to herself through shoes or attire. The same concerned her relationship with boys or members of the opposite sex. On the one occasion where students were asked about their career aspirations, the Headmistress frowned upon a girl who displayed an interest in meeting people- taking it surreptiously to mean men- by inquiring ‘for what purpose?’ Such disparities were evident in a society that denied such basic truths as sex, marriage and children. Yet young women were told they were growing up as part of an enlightened society that encouraged knowledge and exploration. Too much enthusiasm for the opposite sex was discouraged and values such as ‘a fair day’s work for a fair wage’ and ‘if a job’s worth doing, it’s worth doing well’ were entering and becoming part of the workplace norms. Female students were also prepared for practical life through practicing the norms and mechanisms of doing thankless tasks, independent performance of allocated tasks when needed and deference and obedience to authority (Evans, 1991, 69). Standing up straight, looking people in the eye and sitting as if in an ejector seat were the accepted hallmarks of an educated female. Living the middle class life meant certain roles and responsibilities had to be taken on corresponding with our ages and this occurred in relation to our studies and place in our homes. At a later stage it involved marriage and the responsibilities of the household and the children, preparing them for good schools. This was the accepted place of females in the household. A career in mathematics or the sciences was rare and almost unheard of. There were no polytechnics for females at that time. Indeed, the piece by Mary Evans is very engaging and interesting even though it speaks of social stratification at many levels- that based on gender roles, social constructs and norms and functionalities. Sadly many of these have persisted even in the present era. The female who acts aggressive and pushy is not considered ambitious but bitchy. There is still a glass ceiling for females in management and a disparity in payment between males and females employed in similar occupations all across the world. Whatever these differences, we have come to the present with a far better outcome possible for females who want to make a career for themselves, as compared to the 1950s and 1960s- when females were seen but not heard. Conclusion A comparison of both papers clearly shows how education and schooling opportunities have opened up not only for the middle class but indeed for all classes of society among the UK population, and females in particular. Indeed, there is no shortage of opportunities for all those who want to contribute and make an impact on UK education and society. (2378 words) References Archer, L; Halsall, A. & Hollingworth, S. (2007). Class, gender, heterosexuality and schooling: paradoxes within working-class girls' engagement with education and post-16 aspirations. British Journal of Sociology of Education, Vol 28, No. 2 March 2007 pp 165-180. Evans, M. (1991). Culture and Class. From A Good School: Life at a Girls Grammar School in the 1950s (pp 24-101). London: Women’s Press. Read More