Trade Union Movements Support of the Labor Party in Australia - Case Study Example

TABLE OF CONTENTS 1.0 INTRODUCTION 3 1.1 Purpose 3 2.0 THE EMERGENCE OF TRADE UNIONS – THE SEED 4 3.0 The establishment of the ALP 4 3.1 Date and place of establishment 5 3.2 Goal of the founders of the ALP 7 4.0 The structure of the Australian Political system 8 4.1 Two-party system 8 4.2 Why the coalition does not represent trade unions 9 4.3 The workers – their needs 10 4.4 Origins of Australians 10 5.0 Domination of party by trade unions 12 5.1 Continuing representation of workers by ALP 12 5.2 Policy 12 5.3 Wider political representation of workers interests 13 5.4 Party vehicle for unionists’ elevation 13 6.0 Alp as a vehicle for Australia's character 13 7.0 Withdrawal of support 14 7.1 The DLP incidence 14 7.2 The ALP and factions 14 8.0 Effecting mutual support 15 8.1 What does the ALP need? 16 8.2 What does the trade union movement need? 16 9.0 conclusion 16 10.0 References 18 1.0 INTRODUCTION 1.1 Purpose This paper reviews the trade union movement’s support of the Labor party in Australia and seeks to understand the possible causes of the same. It attempts to explicate and adumbrate the influence of Australia’s political system as well as other related factors on the same. From statistics, the membership of these trade unions has drastically dropped over the past twenty years. Much as this is the case, the trade unions have continually counted much as far as the politics of the country is involved. Of the many political parties in the country, the Australian Labor Party (ALP) stands out as the most popular of the rest to the unions. We are therefore expected to determine what could be the actual cause of the same. It is therefore inevitable for us to understand the major roles of these unions so as to be in a position to conclusively explain the situation as it is. The Australian Labor party popularly known as ALP is a political party whose existence dates back to the year 1891 when it was set up by the labour movement in Australia. Soon after the 2007 poll, the party began to solely govern Australia’s Commonwealth. At the moment it also rules in a good number of states and territories (Clarke, 1996). In addition to being the longest running political party in the country, ALP has had the initiative to contend against the Liberal Coalition for political offices both at the federal and grass root levels. 2.0 THE EMERGENCE OF TRADE UNIONS – THE SEED At the time when we had industrial revolution, several cases of shortage of skilled labour occurred (Costa, 1997). This consequently led to the fact that the wellbeing of the employees was solely at the mercy of the employers. As such it became obvious that more often than not the employees were found on the receiving end. Great levels of capitalism and mistreatment of these employees were experienced during this period (McKinlay, 1981). An elaborate system was therefore in the long run needed to advocate for the rights of these employees. In this case, nothing could become handier than the various trade unions that began to emerge while at the same time gaining popularity during this period. A trade union is whereby a taskforce comes together in an attempt to push for a common agenda that is in a position to help them in their future development (Dine, 2007). A major goal of one such agenda could be the general need for better working conditions at the work place. The leadership of the trade union is usually charged with the task of negotiating with the employers on behalf of their workers who are members of that particular trade union (Dine, 2007). Ever since then, the trade unions have experienced major dynamic trends. 3.0 The establishment of the ALP The factors that led to the establishment of the Australian Labour Party date back to the nineteenth century (Fells, 1999). They were characterized by the origins of the trade unions movement and their fitful efforts to ensure workers were properly represented in the colonial governments. During the time, a good number of candidates who were to be successful for elections tried to woo the masses by claiming they were representing the interests of the workers. In addition to this, having the backing of a trade union was considered a major stepping stone to any such individual (Costa, 1997). With time however, straightening out of social or industrial legislation could only be determined by the disposition of the recognition of the high ranking policy makers, cabals and political parties. In the year 1980 or so, a number of leaders of the trade union movement came to the realization that a dissimilar form of political mobilization was mandatory if there was to be any need to confront the aftermaths of the terrible economic depression of the time and the negative attitude that was being developed by the employees towards the trade unions. The main contributor to this particular change of strategy was a fatal inter-colonial strike that comprised individuals drawn from all the unions. It actually targeted those in pastoral and maritime industries (McMullin, 1991). 3.1 Date and place of establishment The Labor Party was founded in Queensland (also referred to as the Workers’ Political Association) and New South Wales (otherwise known as Labor Electoral League) (McKinlay, 1981). It began as a formal establishment whose prioritization was dependant on the level of organization or symbolism that was considered as being of much importance compared to the other. The party is symbolically considered to have originated in the Queensland town of Barcaldine. This was triggered by the 1891 demonstrations of the Pastoral workers which saw the launching of the manifesto of the Queensland Labor Party in the year 1892 (Calwell, 1963). All the same, the Queensland arm of the Australian Labor Federation was already in the process of putting up plans for endorsing parliamentary candidates in the year 1890 (Fells, 1999). Consequently, the first local branch of WPO came to establishment in Fortitude Valley in February 1891. At the same time, the New South Wales Trade and Labour Council, using its parliamentary committee was already in the process of outlining a constitution with principles that would govern the contending of newly formed parties in elections in 1891 (Dine, 2007). The inaugural branch of Labor Electoral League was arrogated for Balmain in the month of April the same year. The new party ended up being a conception of the trade unions movement. This was particularly for shearers, but other unions were also involved. The breakthrough of the new body in the New South Wales elections of June and July was a perfect monstrance of its electoral pull (Fells, 1999). At this time, the Labour Electoral League ended up gaining thirty five out of the one hundred and forty one seats in the assembly. This became instrumental in gaining the equilibrium of control for Free Trade and the proponent posses. Similar achievement was experienced in Queensland during the 1893 elections in which case the Labor gained sixteen out of the possible seventy two seats in the assembly (Costa, 1997). Despite the fact that this ratio was equivalent to that of New South Wales, it was not adequate to provide the party with the balance of power. That notwithstanding, with absence of this strategic better placement, Queensland went into record in December 1899 as establishing the very first Labor elected government for five days in the entire world. This was despite the fact that the party had no majority in the parliament. It was by then being led by Anderson Dawson who formerly happened to be a mineworker and eventually a journalist (McMullin, 1991). Even though eleven Labor candidates emerged successful during the 1892 Victorian election, the beginnings of the party there were rather in contrast to the others (Costa, 1997). Naturally, the opening moves in New South Wales and Queensland were very crucial. As such the unions and their arms were in a position to contribute. However, the party in Victoria seemed to have had more of its beginnings in the parliament rather than in the trade union movement. The proponent party in that particular colony had become more accommodative to the social and blue-collar reforms as compared to other colonies. This meant that they already had a nucleus of members of parliament who considered themselves as having served the interests of the workers (Costa, 1997). 3.2 Goal of the founders of the ALP The leaders of the Labor party by middle of the roaders like some of the liberalists who saw the light ended up reacting in opposition to parliamentarism and realism that was elicited from more belligerent unionists who would characterize the Australian Labor Party for a better part of the next hundreds of years (Clarke, 1996). One major such response at Victoria happened to be the effort to contemplate the want of common people for a more ideological and socialist party. At this moment the party was virtually still at its re-foundation. Tom Mann, an English socialist, was a great contributor to this despite being let down by the success of the party. In the year 1893, the Labor party in southern Australia gained ten out of the possible fifty four parliamentary seats. There emerged inspirations for growth in Western Australia and Tasmania. The introduction of the slating for Labor candidates for election could however only await the new century and the approach of Federation (McMullen, 2004). 4.0 The structure of the Australian Political system 4.1 Two-party system The Labor government was in existence in Australia for a period of thirteen years at the Federal level (Calwell, 1963). The Australian Labor Party happens to be a popular and federalist party that is made up of individual members in addition to trade unions that are affiliated to them. All these are fully involved in the determining of the party’s policies, the election of bodies that govern the party as well as determining of the party’s candidates who contend for public office. Most trade unions in Australia are affiliated to this party and consequently a major proportion the party’s income is obtained from these trade unions’ affiliation fees depending on the physical number of their membership. The party is structured in a way that it has eight branches. Of these, two are state arms while the rest are territory arms (McKinlay, 1981). All these contain local branches that can be joined by any Australian residents in addition to the affiliated unions (Dine, 2007). Individual members are subjected to a membership fee that varies depending on the individual’s income. Each member is in general required to attend one meeting of his or her local branch in the least one year. This is however subject to rules which tend to be varied in various states. In practical applications, just but a devoted minority are observed to attend such meetings (Dine, 2007). A larger portion of the members are seen to be actively involved during the election campaigns. The party is made up of a membership of about fifty thousand members; this number however vacillates depending on the party’s electoral successes and failures (Fells, 1999). The membership of the party are actively involved in the election of delegates to state and territory conferences that usually occur at least once every year (Costa, 1997). The conferences determine policy while at the same time electing the state and territory executives, presidents and secretaries (McMullin, 1991). The Liberal/National Party Coalition government came into establishment soon after the 1996 general elections (Clarke, 1996). The subsequent elections saw the party retaining power in 1998, 2001 and 2004 before eventually letting go of the same in during the Federal elections in the year 2007. During the period that this coalition government was in power, it put more emphasis on the industrial laws and labour law policies. These formed the major components of its social and political platform throughout that period of time. In prosecution of these policies, a good number of critical amendments were made to employment relations legislation (McMullin, 1991). The scope of these changes was far more than point amendments, making up central transformations in the statistical allocation of power within parties, employment relations and through the methods of coming up with terms and conditions that govern employment. 4.2 Why the coalition does not represent trade unions The coalition government put in place a firm stream of statute laws that was aimed at were expected to deal with industrial relations during the time between the year 1996 and 2007 (McMullin, 1991). Many of its policies were aimed at weakening the trade unions and consequently reconstruct the managerial exclusive right. They were driven by the need to have employers and workers as the key determinants of proper working environments instead of letting the same to be influenced by the industrial tribunals (Costa, 1997). There was also a dire need to make sure employment was flexible while at the same time doing away with work practices that were considered ineffective and in away antique (McKinlay, 1981). It was also a move that was targeting improved productivity through reduction of ramifications in the work place regulations and the costs incurred by the employers. They were also determined to allow the reduction of remunerations and considerations in line with business imperatives. Another reason could be the desire to substitute adversarial work place relations with a system that was deemed as being more cooperative (McKinlay, 1981). 4.3 The workers – their needs The Labor party has on many occasions been referred to as a social democratic party (McKinlay, 1981). It is however clearly described in its constitution as a democratic socialist party. Actually, its central goal is described by the phrase, ‘The light on the hill’ which was coined in the year 1949 by Ben Chifley, the prime minster during a conference. The party’s creation and its development are by a large margin shaped by trade unions. This is also seen to be reflected in its policy that has always been in line with the broader labour movement (Calwell, 1963). 4.4 Origins of Australians Human settlement in Australia is believed to have begun about fifty thousand years ago (McKinlay, 1981). People are believed to have migrated by means of land bridges and short sea crossings. A large percentage is deemed to have come from South East Asia and New Guinea. The 18th century saw the European settlement in the region at a time when most native Australians practised hunting and gathering and had a complicated oral culture as well as divine values. They so much venerated land and had faith in the Dreamtime. At the time, Torres Strait Islanders who were believed to have originated in Melanesia were initially horticulturalists and hunter-gatherers (McKinlay, 1981). In the 1770s, James Cook made a map of the eastern coast of Australia that was branded New South Wales that was eventually laid claim of for the present day United Kingdom. This was one of the moves that led to the putting in place of a new penal colony (Costa, 1997). With time, parts of the New South Wales were divided into distinct colonies, that is South Australia in the year 1836, Victoria in the year 1851 and Queensland in the year 1859. In the year 1911 the Northern Territory was established when it was expunged from South Australia. South Australia was established as a ‘free province’, meaning that it could not at any time be a penal colony (Fells, 1999). The other two colonies; Victoria and Western Australia were also established in a similar manner. With time, however, they allowed transported convicts to move in. A crusade by the New South Wales settlers came in handy to terminate transportation of convicts to that colony. Most of the transported convicts ended up being confined at the Port Arthur, Tasmania. The Irish settlers happened to be the second largest migrant group right after the English who happened to be the largest group. The Irish happened to be among the convicts that were being ferried into the colonies. It was due to the close relationships of these countries in the eighteenth and nineteenth century that led to the transportation of about thirty nine thousand people from Ireland to Australia (Dine, 2007). During the gold rush that lasted between the year 1851 and 1861 more Irish individuals immigrated to Australia (Calwell, 1963). At that time, the British and Irish settlers comprised a third of the total population in Australia. Most of the Irish settlers were running away from cultural repression in their native country. They covered a prominent portion of the Victorian public life. They have also been on the forefront of political movements that were concerned with the wellbeing of the Victorian workers. This particular community gave the growth of the Catholic Church maximum support. 5.0 Domination of party by trade unions 5.1 Continuing representation of workers by ALP To a large extent, the affiliated trade unions have dominated the Australian Labor Party and as such they determine the voting behaviour for the party to political office. In this case, the voting behaviour is much more influenced marginally by membership in a high unionisation relative to the average effect of un-unionization. 5.2 Policy The Australian Labour Party has its policy clearly laid down in its National platform. This is usually sanctioned by delegates to the Labor National conference that is usually held once after every three years. This forms the basis that can be used even as a starting point for the process of election of a Federal Labor government (McMullen, 2004). This platform only serves as a guide for the future developments of the party and does not necessarily institute particular policies (Clarke, 1996). 5.3 Wider political representation of workers interests ALP’s policy emphasizes the fact that Labor’s values are constant and will be instrumental in making it a benchmark for all Australians. It holds that Labor is fully committed to a market economy (Fells 1999, p.116). This in turn gives the opportunity for the Australians to own and control by their rights to vote. 5.4 Party vehicle for unionists’ elevation As seen earlier, a major portion of Australia's population could be considered workers during the industrial revolution (Costa, 1997). It was therefore in order that their industrial struggles paved way for the establishment of unionism. It was later on realized that political representation could be a sure way of giving the unionists marked impact on reforms and to gain influential political power they so much yearned. This was actually realized through their support for ALP (Fells, 1999). 6.0 Alp as a vehicle for Australia's character Under the leadership of Arthur Calwell from 1960 and 1970, the Party was by all means against conscription and the deploying of military personnel to Vietnam in the year 1964 (Calwell, 1963). The events that closely followed led to the uprising of a modest anti-war movement. The Party advocated for policies and actions that did not compromise their national security in any given way. It was determined to see to it that there was proper world order centrally dominated by the United States that could see Australia fly high (Fells, 1999). The party was very central in the inventing of Australia's place in the world (McKinlay, 1981). The basis for this conception was from a conservative point of view. Australia was then considered an autonomous member of the community of states that had what it took to pursue the interests of its people without any social or radical changes whatsoever (Fells, 1999). 7.0 Withdrawal of support During the Second World War, ALP parliamentarians emerged as major supporters of the war even though they were opposed to overseas forced military service. The NSW branch, however, which had massive support from more progressive unionists, resolved to advocate for antiwar. They stood for the fact that only the collective unity of workers all over the world could yield peace. 7.1 The DLP incidence The Democratic Labor Party was established during the 1950’s following the divide in State Branches of the Labor Party (Costa, 1997). The industrial groups made up a large portion of the struggle of power between the Labor Party and the trade unions. This made it rather easy to gain overall control of majority of the union after the separation, much as clear signs of the same were clearly visible long before the formation of the same. 7.2 The ALP and factions The party initially had a left and right wing, which were eventually done away with to pave way for factions during the 1970’s. These factions are made up of members who tend to pay an additional membership fee. The main factions in the party are the Labor Unity (which is a great supporter of free market policies as well as the US Alliance) and the Socialist left (which advocates for more intervention of state in the economy). These are further divided up into sub factions (Dine, 2007). Factions are also found within the trade unions (Dine, 2007). These include the Australian Workers Union (AWU), the National Union of Workers (NUW) and the Shop, Distributive and Allied Employees' Association (SDA) which comprise the major trade unions that have provided massive support for the right wing while the Australian Manufacturing Workers Union (AMWU), the Liquor, Hospitality and Miscellaneous Union (LHMU), the Construction, Forestry, Mining and Energy Union (CFMEU), the Australian Services Union (ASU) and the Maritime Union of Australia (MUA) tend to lean more on the left (Costa, 1997, p50). These factions come in handy especially at times when there is need for pre-selections. It is however worth noting that candidates who are non-factional are in most cases preferred to those involved in factions. 8.0 Effecting mutual support The labour movement was largely involved in the formation of ALP at the time (Costa, 1997). The movement needed it to act as its political wing so as to facilitate the election of members into parliament, who would actively fight for the rights of working people. As such the trade unions were the very ones that put the ALP policies in place and ensuring it was better placed to win in elections (McKinlay, 1981). In the long run, both ALP and the trade unions ended up benefiting from one another. The ALP offers the backs the trade unions in pursuit of their industrial goals while the trade unions see to it that ALP’s political goals are achieved (McMullen, 2004). 8.1 What does the ALP need? ALP in its pursuit of political goals is in need of financial support, which is majorly provided by the trade unions (Fells, 1999). The affiliated trade unions are also entitled to voting rights at the state conference, where fifty percent of delegates usually represent them. 8.2 What does the trade union movement need? The trade unions are in most cases affiliated to ALP depending on needs of their own goals and objectives which usually target at raising the living standards of their own members. 8.2.1 Political influence ALP gives its affiliated trade unions a platform to maximize on political action and industrial action for them to attain desired results for their members. 8.2.2 Representation in highest councils The trade unions represent all types of workers ranging from those considered as low profile jobs to the high profile ones (Fells, 1999). It is quite obvious that it may prove an uphill task for all these to be represented without close ties with the high and mighty. The ALP therefore provides them with this golden opportunity 9.0 conclusion As we have clearly seen, the trade unions support the Labor party while in return expecting that they will also support them especially as far as their industrial ambitions are concerned (McKinlay, 1981). The factors that led to the formation of the Labor Party included the need for the proper representation of workers in the colonial government. As such it turned out that these trade unions happened to be on the forefront in the push to have the party formed (Clarke, 1996). The Labor Party needs financial support for its activities such as the campaigns for its candidates for political office, which can only be offered by the trade unions affiliated to it. The trade unions commit themselves to representing the interests of all workers while at the same time fighting for their rights. The Labor Party gives the trade unions a standing through political influence which in turn gives them their desired popularity. It is this mutual support from both sides that has continually seen the support of the Labor party by the trade union movement (Dine, 2007). 10.0 References Calwell, A. (1963). Labor's Role in Modern Society. Melbourne: Lansdowne Press. Clarke, F. (1996). Australia: A Concise Political and Social History. Sidney: Harcourt Brace & Company. Costa, M. (1997). Union Strategy Post the Work Place Relations Act 1996. Australian Bulletin of Labour , 48-58. Dine, P. (2007). State of the Unions: How Labor Can Strengthen the Middle Class, Improve Our Economy, and Regain Political Influence. New York: McGraw-Hill Professional. Fells, R. (1999). Competitive Negotiation and the Question of Union Negotiating Rights. Labour & Industry , 99-122. McKinlay, B. (1981). The ALP: A Short History of the Australian Labor Party. Melbourne: Drummond/Heinemann. McMullen, R. (2004). So Monstrous a Travesty. Scribe Publications , 4. McMullin, R. (1991). The Light on the Hill: The Australian Labor Party 1891–1991. South Melbourne: Oxford University Press. Read More