International Relations in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia - Case Study Example

International relations in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia s Submitted by s: Introduction Situated at a geographical crossroad of the world while being an economic power with a stable government and a society that is thriving, Saudi Arabia has progressed to be the focus of world affairs since the kingdom has not limited its defence and promotion of its own national interests (Al-Tamimi, 2013, p. 102). Saudi Arabia is special to more than one billion Muslims from all over the world as Islam originates from there. Through the guidance of principles that are championed by Islam in the rich Arabic heritage, the Kingdom has, through the years, efficiently assumed the increasing responsibility that is linked to this status. For a country that is founded on Islamic principles, preservation and protection of the interests of the Islamic religion was the main pillar of Saudi international relations under King Abdulaziz (Quandt, 1981, p. 40). The perceptions of the Kingdom have been sought actively by international powers that wish to gain a better appreciation of the issues that are present in the Islamic and Arab world. It is requested to be a mediator in resolving disputes that if disregarded, may have consequences that will affect areas that are outside this region. Based on this concern, Saudi Arabia started adopting an active role as far as international organizations were concerned and being among the founding members of the United Nations, the Kingdom has progressively increased its participation in the organization. In the twentieth century, Saudi Arabia arose as a unified country and consequently a leader both political and in terms of socioeconomics. Steered by a foreign policy that mainly emphasizes on Arab unity, Islamic harmony as well as peaceful concomitance, the Kingdom has developed to become a strong supporter for peace, security and constructive collaboration all over the globe. International relations of Saudi Arabia Out of all the nations in the globe that are important to the strategic and economic interests of the United States, Saudi Arabia is the country that has been most difficult to understand for the American people. The Kingdom’s unique position in Islam makes it crucial to a beneficial association between the non-Islamic West and the Muslim world (Brookes, 2007, p. 73). Regardless of all the wealth that is possessed by the country, it still lacks the instruments that are supposed to assist it in meeting the overwhelming challenges that it faces including a restless youthful population, a rising generation of educated women seeking opportunities is a closed society, as well as religious extremism and social division among other challenges. The current population of Saudi Arabia which is more informed than all the generations that have existed in the Kingdom, is seeking newer political institutions that will give them an opportunity to express themselves, however, this desires are in conflict with the strict traditions of the kingdom as well as with the determination that has been shown by the House of Saud to remain in true power (Niblock and Malik, 2007, p. 18). Regardless, the country maintains its wish to remain protected by the American security while holding on to a structure that is adversative to the values that are supported by America Saudi Arabia is a state that has no particular alignment and whose foreign policy goals revolve around maintaining its security and its dominant position in the Arabian Peninsula as the largest oil exporter in the globe and to sustain its collaborative associations with other countries that produce oil together with the main consumers of the oil it produces (James, 2011, p. 66). According to the Kingdom, its policy if cantered on cooperating with other Gulf countries that export oil, uniting the Arab world, Islamic power and unity, as well as supporting the United Nations (Ayoob, 2014, p. 20). Accordingly, the main concerns of the Saudi Kingdom in the recent times have been its association with the United States, the conflict between Israel and Palestine, Iraq and the apparent threats from Iran (Cordesman, 2009, p. 42). It has also been concerned with the impact of the prices of oil and the use of its wealth that originated from oil to intensify the influence of Islam particularly the conservative school of thought that is favoured by the rulers of the country. Saudi Arabia makes contributions of huge sums to the development of other Islamic nations, donating almost fifty billion pounds in terms of aid from 1986 to 2006 (Cordesman and Obaid, 2005, p. 394). Even though the country belongs to the Non-Aligned Movement, it has been perceived as the leader of the Arab countries such as Egypt, Jordan and the Gulf nations that are aligned to the west, especially the United States (Bowen, 2008, p. 7). Nevertheless, after the September 11 terrorist attacks, linked with the west have developed complications as a result of the perception that Saudi Arabia is an origin of Islamist terrorism (Bronson, 2006, p. 237). As one of the countries that founded OPEC, the nation’s longstanding policy regarding pricing has to maintain the prices at a level that is steady and reasonable, in that, they will be high enough to bring in enough sufficient revenues but not too high to make their customers seek alternative sources of energy or endanger the economies of the western countries (Plaid Avenger. and Shmidheiser, 2008, p. 295). This is because the Kingdom has numerous financial assets in the western countries and these countries also assist with political and military support to the Saudi government. The most significant exception to this was witnessed in the oil crisis of 1973 when Saudi Arabia together with other Arabic oil nations, utilized an embargo on the supply of oil to apply pressure to the United States to discontinue its support for Israel (Miglietta, 2002, p. 274). The Saudi Arabian oil policy is perceived to be responsible for the collapse of Soviet Communism at the end of the eighties and early nineties as it assisted the Afghan Mujahideen as well as the anti-communists who were not Muslims with finances (Crossley, 2011, p. 725). It also jeopardized the efforts by the Soviet Communists to stabilize the prices of oil during the eighties when the Russians had desperation of selling oil so that they could increase their military power to match that of the United States. Finsbury Park Mosque that is located in London, which was constructed with funds donated by the Saudi administration remained the centre of operations of Islamist radical ecclesiastic Abu Hamza up to 2003 (Journo, 2009, p. 205). When King Fahd suffered a stroke in 1995, the crown prince Abdullah became responsible for international relations changing the relations that had existed between the country and the US as his policies were not the same as those of the pro-Western King Fahd (Broberg, 2003, p. 70). The Prince assumed a more independent position from the United States and focused on the improvement of the relations in the region especially with Iran. A number of prolonged border conflicts were resolved including a significant restructure of the border with Yemen (Cordesman, 2003, p. 67). This new method of international relations progressively made the relations between the US and Saudi Arabia strained. Abdullah’s policies was demonstrated when the Saudi administration declined to assist the United States in its invasion of Iraq in 2003 and critics considered this as an effort of the royal family to propitiate the Islamic radicals in the Kingdom (Russell, 2014, p. 83). In the same year the US and Saudi government officials reached an agreement the led to the withdrawal of all the US military forces from Saudi Arabia. Since King Abdullah rose to the throne in 2005, Saudi Arabia has stuck with a more activist foreign policy and has maintained its push-back on the policies supported by the United States which are not popular in Saudi Arabia’s case (Tucker and Roberts, 2008, p. 23). Nevertheless, ever more, and in common with the United States, a fear and suspicion of Ira has become a considerable dynamic in Saudi Arabia’s policies. In 2010, Wikileaks, a whistle-blowing website revealed a number of secret documents disclosing that King Abdullah encouraged the US to attack Iran so that it could “cut off the head of the snake” (Katz and Hendel, 2012, p. 5). The Saudi Arabian kingdom has exercised significant influence together the countries that surround it through its massive oil fields, the financial and political support of its allies along with the influence of salafism which is the harsh interpretation of Islam that Saudi Arabia’s most contentious export (Noreng, 2006, p. 216). Despite all the wealth and religious influence that is held by Saudi Arabia, its recent record has not been successful as it was not able to counter the influence associated with Iran in Iraq after Saddam was ousted, could not stop Hezbollah from assuming power in Lebanon, and its continuing attempts to reconcile Hamas and the Palestinian Authority have also not been fruitful. The foreign policies associated with Saudi Arabia should be appreciated in relation to the immediate regional threats as well as domestic developments that vary from demands to increase political participation by the Saudi population, increase of rights for women together with economic policies that will lead to replacing of foreign workers with Saudi citizens, even though it has not been successful yet. Saudi Arabia has also been challenged by the existence of Shiite minority in the eastern areas where most of the oil extraction was took place and where the Wahabi principle considered Shiites as being pagans and heretics (Mitchell, 1998, p. 88). These along with other challenges such as the decision by the US administration to distance itself from the president of Egypt and the lack of solutions for the conflict that has been experience between Israel and Palestine, have had an effect in the relations between Saudi Arabia and the United States. On the part of the United States, it is not comfortable with the intervention of Saudi Arabia in Bahrain as well as the Kingdom’s support for the radical Islamists in the Arab world and the rest of the world (Kumar, 2012, p. 97). The two main pillars of the relationship between the United States and Saudi Arabia: the Gulf War and the US operation of the Kingdom’s oil fields are no longer factors. Therefore, the relationship between Saudi Arabia becomes tense when there are numerous problems and the initial basis of the informal alliances they had no longer exists. Since the relationship between Saudi Arabia and the United States is no longer the same, the two nations can no longer expect to act with the same intentions in these conditions. The US should simply re-invent the association as being transactional founded on cooperation when the mutual interests of the two countries come into play. Making this interests a priority will be imperative and instead of putting pressure of Saudi Arabia for political reforms, or pushing for the reduction of oil prices globally, the United States should direct its political capital towards sustaining the regional security, eliminating terrorist networks and the prevention of the production of nuclear weaponry. Relations between China and Saudi Arabia The first ever meeting between officials from China and those from Saudi Arabia occurred in 1985 in Oman, after years of delicate contact between the two nations (Al-Tamimi, 2013, p. 65). The two administrations created official diplomatic links in mid-1990, but before this, bilateral relations between the two nations were non-existent (Shen and Blanchard, 2010, p. 233). In 1975, the Saudi kingdom had declined to acknowledge the People’s Republic of China as a country, despite the latter’s wish to develop relations and acknowledgement of the policies associated with the Saudi kingdom and presently, it is perceived that oil is the main motivation for their association (Bin Huwaidin, 2002, p. 97). By 1989, Saudi Arabia that had not developed consular relations with China even though it has consular ties with Taiwan and subsequent to the protests which took place in the Tiananmen Square, in 1989, the relationship between the governments of Saudi Arabia and China were improved. Regardless of this occurrence, Saudi Arabia did not criticize this event in any way; in fact, a Saudi foreign ministry official went to present his documents to the foreign minister of China. A short while later, in 1990, Prince Bandar bin Sultan, who was the Kingdom’s ambassador to the US visited Beijing with an agreement that diplomatic ties would be established. Consequently, diplomatic ties were created in Riyadh and from this point forward, the diplomatic ties that Saudi Arabia had with Taiwan were terminated immediately. Relations between Israel and Saudi Arabia There are no diplomatic ties that exist between Israel and the Saudi Kingdom but both nations are allied to the United States and are against the regional influence associated with the republic of Iran (El-Hasan, 2010. P. 226). However, there have been unconfirmed reports that have disclosed veiled diplomatic collaboration and intelligence cooperation between the two nations. Saudi Arabia being a member of the Arab League has been in support of the rights of Palestine towards autonomy and has called for Israel to withdraw from West Bank and other areas that Israel has occupied since 1967. More recently, Saudi Arabia has shifted its standpoint in regard to the validity of its negotiations with Israel. It calls for Israel to withdraw from the territory it took in June 1967 so as to achieve peace with the rest of the Arab states. In 2002, Prince Abdullah extended a multi-lateral proposal for peace that was founded on Israel’s withdrawal but Israel did not react to this proposal. In 2007, Saudi Arabia provided support for a peaceful resolution of the conflict between Israel and the Arabs and this was not taken positively by Israel which cited the Oslo Accords and the fact that Saudi Arabia was not abiding by these accords. Saudi Arabia also precluded the Accords that were signed at Camp David with the claims that they did not have the ability to achieve an all-inclusive political solution that would makes sure Palestine Arabs would be able to move to Israel as well as Jerusalem (Ben Gad, 1991, p. 412). In a reaction to the betrayal of the Arab states by Egypt’s signing peace with Israel, the Saudi Kingdom together with other Arab nations severed diplomatic relations with Egypt and also suspended aid but the ties were formally re-established in 1987. Saudi Arabia made the announcement that it was lifting its prohibition of goods and services from Israel in 2005, mainly due to the fact that it had applied to be part of the WTO that does not allow a member country to ban another member country entirely. Nevertheless, as at mid-2006, the Saudi boycott had not come to an end even though the Saudi administration acknowledges that its ally, The US, has a strong and loyal association with Israel. Relations between Bangladesh and Saudi Arabia During the war of liberation that was started by the Bengali nationals against Pakistan, Saudi Arabia favored the Pakistani regime and did not in support of the autonomy of Bangladesh (Kapur, 2003, p. 171). According to Saudi Arabia, the Bengali nationalists were against a Muslim nation and this amounted to an opposition of the Muslim religion. Consequently, the Kingdom availed support to Pakistan financially and politically in the process of the conflict. The secular and socialist policies of the Bengali leader at that time together with his preference for soviet ideologies irritated the Saudis who were did not favour the ideas of the Soviets. Saudi Arabia and Bangladesh eventually developed formal diplomatic relations between 1975 and 1976 after Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was killed by military soldiers who supported Islam (Pipes, 1983, p. 308). The subsequent military regimes that replaced the regime that ended with Rahman’s death made efforts to develop strong commercial and cultural relations with Saudi Arabia in the late 70s. Numerous skilled and unskilled Bangladeshi workers consequently migrated to Saudi Arabia and at present, the total number of Bangladeshi people residing in Saudi Arabia is more than two and a half million. With the development of the ties, Saudi Arabia became the main source of aid in terms of finances and the economy to Bangladesh. Conclusion The relations between the US and Saudi Arabia has been among the pillars of United States policy in the Middle East for a long time. Regardless of their significant dissimilarities in history, culture and mode of governance, the two nations have usually compromised on vital political and economic aspects and have regularly depended upon each other in their quest for mutual goals. The most recognizable illustration is the Gulf War that took place in the early nineties, but their continuing collaboration in maintaining the stability of the region, regulating the international oil markets and pursuing terrorists should not be disregarded (Peimani, 2003, p. 75). Despite all the significance that is associated with the relationship, it is ever more jeopardized by mistrust and misapprehensions and one of the main questions is the stability of the Kingdom. It is noticeable that Saudi Arabia was able to avoid considerable turmoil during the political uprisings that were experienced all over the Middle East in 2011, even though the social and economic problems that were being faced by Egypt and Libya could also be seen in Saudi Arabia. However, unlike the leadership in Cairo and Tripoli, the administration in Riyadh had the ability to maintain order through an increase in public spending on housing and remunerations, while depending on the loyal and well-resourced security forces and making use of its extensive support networks. The divisions that were being experienced in the political opposition in Saudi Arabia also greatly assisted the governments cause References Al-Tamimi, N. 2013, China-Saudi Arabia relations, Routledge, London. Al-Tamimi, N. 2013, China-Saudi Arabia Relations, 1990-2012. Taylor and Francis, Hoboken. Ayoob, M. 2014, The Politics of Islamic Reassertion (RLE Politics of Islam), Taylor and Francis, Hoboken. Ben Gad, Y. 1991, Politics, lies, and videotape, Shapolsky Publishers, New York. Bin Huwaidin, M. 2002, Chinas relations with Arabia and the Gulf, 1949-1999, RoutledgeCurzon, London. Bowen, W. 2008, The history of Saudi Arabia, Greenwood Press, Westport, Conn. 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