Segregation in Golf - Research Paper Example

Segregation in Golf Introduction Racial segregation has always been a controversial topic in many countries around the world. It is a practice which has seen various manifestations of hatred, violence, and indifference from those claiming racial superiority over other races. This practice has managed to pervade our culture and our life as socially gregarious individuals. At one point in our history as Americans, racial segregation has managed to pervade our schools, our workplaces, our convenience stores, and our business establishments. This practice has not completely been eradicated as it has been manifest in many instances in our society today. The sport of golf has not also been spared this practice of racial segregation. This paper shall now discuss the racial segregation in golf. It shall start off its discussion by discussing the evolution of African- American in golf, specifically covering their country club lifestyle, the natural segregation of the game including its geography and exclusiveness. It shall discuss racial segregation in the United Golf Association (UGA), the Professional Golf Association (PGA), the United States Golf Association and other organizations relevant to this discussion. This discussion is being undertaken in order to further our understanding of racial segregation, more particularly in the golfing sport. It is also being undertaken in order for us to trace the pattern of racial segregation in the sport and to assess its future practice. History of African-Americans in Golf In 1896, Black-American John Shippen, became the first of his race to play in the United States Open. Although he was doing relatively well during his first two days, his luck did not hold as the game progressed. One of the worst incidents of his game was when he took 11 strokes to complete his 13th hole (Grant, 2010). But his entry into the US Open marked an historic day for African-Americans in golf. His feat was soon followed by George Grant who received the first patent for his golf tee; however, since Grant never marketed his invention, he was never largely credited for its invention. Twenty years later, a white golfer who patented a tee and later marketed it was the one who was credited with the invention (Grant, 2010). African-Americans made their mark and foray into the United States Golf Association when in 1925, George Adams became one of its founding members. Such foray slowly gained strength when in 1926, Robert Hawkins’ dream of gathering black golfers into an organization was partly realized with the staging of the first tournament in 1926, followed by another in 1927 (Grant, 2010). And following this success, he organized the United Golf Associations, Inc. (UGA) in 1928 and through such association, “a national tournament was conducted every year in order to determine the best male and female golfer in the country” (Grant, 2010). The UGA further grew as an organization and as a tournament for both the blacks and whites when its President A.D.V. Crosby established several districts in order to promote golf among blacks in different areas of the country (Grant, 2010). In 1935, women started to make their mark in the golfing sport when Rhonda Fowler became the Women’s Eastern Champion in the UGA tournament (Grant, 2010). This achievement was soon followed in 1950 by Ann Gregory’s achievement in winning the National UGA Tournament and by winning six of the seven championships she entered. She followed this achievement when in 1956, she became the first African-American to enter the US Amateur Championship in Indianapolis, Indiana (Grant, 2010). More black women would make their mark in the golfing sport in the years that followed, but their impact has not been as significant as that achieved by their women predecessors. Attempts by the Black Americans to own and establish golf courses were initiated in 1946 by Bill Powell when he designed and opened his Clearview Golf Course (Grant, 2010). In venturing towards gaining equal protection for their civil rights, in 1948, Theodore Rhodes, Bill Spiller, and Madison Gunther filed a lawsuit against the PGA for civil rights violations (Grant, 2010). In an attempt to save face and to avoid its legal obligations stemming from the lawsuit, the PGA changed its format into an ‘invitation only’ format. However, the damage was already done; and the three men already gained sympathy and public support for their movement and for their lawsuit (Grant, 2010). In the professional circuit, Black-Americans were now gaining headway into the professional circuit and Harold Dunovant in 1954 was the first Black-American to attend the PGA Business School in Long Beach, California (Grant, 2010). Dunovant heads the Minorcas Golf Course at the Winston Salem and he is also the founder of the National Black Golfers Hall of Fame (Grant, 2010). Dunovant’s achievement was followed by that of Charlie Sifford who became the first African-American member of the PGA tour. In 1964, more achievements for the African-Americans were seen through Pete Brown’s win in the Waco Open (Grant, 2010). Renee Powell, Bill Powell’s daughter, was also achieving much in the sport which her father actively participated in (Grant, 2010). She joined the LPGA in 1967 and became an active competitor in the tour for 13 years. Since then, she has been working in promoting the golf industry and that of minority golf; she is also running the Clearview Golf Course (Grant, 2010). Even more African-Americans would gain ground in the professional circuit, and in 1975, Lee Elder gained major ground when he became the first African-American to play at the Masters Tournament at the Augusta National (Grant, 2010). In 1979, he played at the US Ryder Cup Team. The Augusta National admitted its first Black member only in 1991. No bigger ground was gained than that gained by Eldrick “Tiger” Woods when, in 1997, he became the first African-American Masters Champion (Grant, 2010). The evolution of the blacks in golf bears even more controversy than what is actually written within the text of this essay. It is important to note that golf is the last sport to remove racial barriers in the area of professional practice (Dawkins, p. 1). And such controversial and racially relevant events shall be discussed henceforth focusing on a deeper analysis of the evolution of racial segregation in golf. Discussion: Evolution of golf After the Second World War, racial segregation in sports relations started to decrease. A desegregation in sports slowly manifested at about this time (Smart, p. 26). Except in golf. “While white resistance to the integration of blacks into all the major sports continued after initial desegregation efforts, nowhere was this resistance more complete than in golf, where the maintenance of a system of overt institutional racism prevailed for many decades after initial racial barriers were removed (Dawkins, p. 1). This sport remained resistant to the call for more equal opportunities and for the maintenance of the system of racial segregation. The participation of Black-Americans in golf has not had as much attention as that generated by Tiger Woods. Many golfing enthusiasts have aimed to encourage the participation of younger Black Americans into the sport, however, this enthusiasm has not been fully engaged among the youth. On a deeper context, a historical assessment of the African-Americans’ participation in golf reveals that the interest in the sport has not been recent and as early as in the 1890s, they have been participating and have been interested in the sport (Dawkins, p. 1). They have served as caddies for wealthy white players in the most exclusive golf clubs as far back as the time when the sport earned its place as a leisure activity. They have learned to develop their expertise and their affinity for the game even as caddies; however, because of racial restrictions, they have not been allowed to participate in the sport as professionals (Dawkins, p. 1). Shippen’s experience as the first black professional golfer already negated the previous notion that black youths were not interested in the sport and even more so when Shippen competed in his second USGA Tour (Dawkins, p. 2). When Shippen attempted to compete in his second tour (in the Shinnecock Hills Golf Club), many whites objected to his participation in the tour. He then claimed that he was partly of Shinnecock heritage in order to be allowed entry as a professional participant in the tour (Gates & Higginbotham, p. 910). In his second tour he finished fifth in the midst of other golfers from America and also from Europe. Shippen’s participation in the golfing community gained much popularity among other Black Americans (Gates & Higginbotham, p. 910). It was enlightening on the part of the USGA tour how allowing Shippen to participate was able to gain more progress against racial segregation in golf more than any other golf organization or tournament. The Professional Golf Association was less open to allowing black membership in their organization and in their tour. Shippen was not even allowed to join. The images in the clubs and in magazines showed Black Americans playing the sport and such images were indeed able to gain the interest of other Black Americans in the sport. “However, whites continued to experience little exposure to black golf in their own media, maintaining the stereotypic image of blacks as “golf course servants” or caddies” (Dawkins & Kinloch, p. 98). So even as white caddies were able to eventually gain skills as golfers and be professional golfers; the black caddies were not allowed to gain professional status in the PGA. Most of their professional ranking was gained by competing in their own communities. In this community, they became catalysts for the spread of golf among the younger group of golfers (Dawkins, p. 2). The PGA remained adamant about their racial segregation policies and they imposed the ‘caucasians-only clause’ in order to restrict membership into their clubs and into their tournaments (Jones, p. 386). The US Golf Association became a haven for many black golfers. And it was “unique because for a long time, it was the only organization that would routinely give black golfers a place to compete” (Black Enterprise, p. 138). It stimulated their competitive drive and later when the players were allowed to play in the PGA tournaments, they were also able to do well in the professional circuits. As caddies, the enthusiasm of the young Black Americans for the sport was very much stimulated. And they nurtured this enthusiasm for the sport. Many observers account that, “back then, in the deep, deep South, a black man either snuck onto one of the well-manicured whites-only courses to try and play a few holes undetected or waited patiently for those rare occasions when caddies were given the green light to play” (Black Enterprise, p. 139). The different events held by the UGA provided a strong opportunity for black players to hone their skills. The annual Negro Open was one such event and was greatly popular among the black players (Black Enterprise, p. 139). Through this event, many African-Americans were able to play with other black players coming from almost all parts of the United States. And it was a well-participated event with one player possibly waiting up to three hours to make his shot (Black Enterprise, p. 139). The UGA became a welcoming organization – for both the blacks and the whites. It was an organization where they were able to compete as equals and where they learned to respect each other as skilled players, regardless of the color of their skin. When the PGA eventually eased its policies on its membership and when it started accepting African-Americans to its organization, the UGA slowly and gradually lost most of its members. And in time, it would disband because it was no longer a special and unique organization in its efforts to ease racial segregation in golf (Black Enterprise, p. 139). However, undoubtedly, its contribution to the process of the Black American’s acceptance in golf has been recognized as a contribution crucial to their current status in golf. Such feat cannot be claimed or ever be repeated by any other golfing association. The UGA was a great pioneer in its day and it was bold enough to allow the sport to be played, not based on the player’s race, but based on the player’s skills and love of the game. Early on when the sport was being played, the middle class blacks were enthusiastic with the sport and it was through such enthusiasm that their own country clubs were built. It was another perfect opportunity for other Black Americans to participate in the sport for recreational purposes, as amateurs, and as professionals (Dawkins, p. 3). The black caddies who hardly had the chance to play the sport now had a perfect opportunity to display and enhance their skills in the sport. These black clubs did not exhibit or promote elitist and exclusivity attitudes and qualities common among the white clubs. These black clubs took up the cause to eliminate segregation in the golf course and in extending the opportunities of African-Americans in other fields (Dawkins, p. 3). These clubs fought segregation of any kind and “middle-class blacks were among the leaders of these struggles, often taking legal action in conjunction with the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) and other civil rights organizations” (Dawkins, p. 3). And through these middle-class black Americans, the UGA was eventually formed and was able to establish its reputation as a racially tolerant organization. It is crucial to note however that despite the entry and the participation of the Black American in the PGA during the 1960s, many of the restrictions and discriminatory practices against blacks in the sport were still in place. Efforts to increase participation of the black golfer in the professional circuit was not also focused on and “past generations of blacks who entered golf saw few of the formal and informal race barriers to participation removed” (Dawkins, p. 3). Attention was indeed seen and credited to the black golfer Lee Elder for his participation in the professional tournament. But aside from that, the presence of the blacks in golf was basically uneventful (Dawkins, p. 3). It was only when Tiger Woods joined the sport and became the world’s greatest golf player did the African-American’s participation in the sport turn into a major feat and major dent in the racial segregation practice in the sport. In the years leading up to Tiger Woods’ success, much attention was given to the deplorable state of race relations in the golfing sport. In 1990, Hall Thompson, the owner of the Shoal Creek club in Alabama admitted that their organization did not accept black members. His remarks gained much anger and condemnation from the black community and other concerned citizens (Kirsch, et.al., p. 193). His remarks also spurred the PGA and other major golfing associations to not hold tournaments in clubs which had exclusive memberships. This prompted many clubs with exclusive memberships to suddenly offer membership to minority groups, including Black Americans (Kirsch, et.al., p. 193). However, many black leaders still point out that the membership offered in these elitist clubs were just token memberships and no sincere changes in their exclusivity policies have been made in the club set-up. Moreover, it has been patently obvious that the “economic motives for such righteous capitulation are easier to claim than moral ones in certain superior circles, where “nigger lover” remains a worse label than “racist”” (McWhorter, p. 380). If not for economic considerations, many of these clubs would still not accept black members. In fact, there were two clubs who preferred to withdraw from the tournament circuit rather than comply with the rules set by the PGA (McWhorter, p. 380). These incidents indicate strongly that although the PGA has already adopted less exclusive rules in golf, racial segregation is still a prevalent practice in the circuit and in some circles in America. It is also quite alarming to note that if Hal Thompson had not slipped up and released such a statement, “it would have been business as usual” (Carter, p. 32). Racial segregation in many clubs in America would still have been prevalent. Tiger Woods entry into the sport in the late 1990s became the catalyst for major changes in golf. The fact that he was of multi-ethnic descent gained him even more attention (Dawkins, p. 4). His strong link with his African-American roots was one of the main rallying points by the blacks in seeking Tiger as a focal point in their desire to gain equal treatment as golf players. And Woods too recognized his relevance to the golfing community. “The first public comment made by Tiger Woods upon winning the Masters was to express that recognition be given to the black golf professionals who went before him and upon whose pioneering shoulders his accomplishment stood” (Dawkins, p. 4). Through his statement, he brought to the limelight the achievements of African Americans Lee Elder, Charlie Sifford and Ted Rhodes. Bill Wright’s experience in the professional golf circuit and in the sport in general was filled with instances of segregation and discrimination. He remembers how other players did not even want to be in the same plane as him because he was black; he also recalls how he did not qualify as a member in the exclusive clubs because he was black (Loverro, p. 1). He had little help from the white players back then but as he watched other players, including white players in their game, Wright somehow managed to improve and excel in the game. And even when Wright was able to win some of the tournaments and was able to prove that he was as skilled as any player in the field, he was still not accepted by the golfing society. And as many blacks and whites credited him for his feat as a Black American, it was a feat he never consciously sought to achieve (Loverro, p. 1). He just wanted to play the sport. Most clubs in the United States now have black members; however, before the incident of Shoal Creek, most of these clubs had exclusive memberships. The whites largely controlled membership in the clubs and when a member was able to offer sponsorship for a black member into the club, at one point such sponsor would be pressured by other white members to withdraw sponsorship (Clay, p. 1). These white sponsors claim to have their hands tied; they also claim an inability to control the board or the membership committee and that the decision is basically out of their hands. But the Shoal Creek incident was an incident which spurred all of these clubs to ease their policies on exclusivity. In a way, it scared these clubs into easing up their rules on exclusivity. However, many black players still believe that it is a token gesture, one that is perfectly captured in Darwin Davis’s statement when he said that, “when they want to host a tournament, all of a sudden there’s room for black members” (Clay, p. 2). The change of policy as claimed by other critics and interest groups has not signified a change in attitude and a change of heart among these exclusive white clubs. And this is one of the reasons why there are only few African Americans seeking membership into these exclusive clubs. Some of these clubs have about four or five black members, and some only have one. The prospect of being the only black American in the club does not appeal much to black businessmen and potential black members. “What’s the purpose in joining, they argue, if there are not enough black members to have a foursome” (Clay, p. 2). This situation in the club scenes have prompted many African American golf enthusiasts to forgo membership into the clubs even as they are now welcome to join because they too feel some animosity towards the whites; and they prefer not to hand over their hard-earned money to the latter. The problem with this attitude is the message it has portrayed to the younger generation of black Americans (Clay, p. 1). For this reason, many black Americans have now made the effort for their children – to teach their children “to accept that people are people, and they don’t intimidate you, and you go about your business. The more we teach our kids to accept that they don’t intimidate you, and you go about your business” (Clay, p. 1). When Black American children are taught these values, they too become better people and a better Black community as well. This is why some Black Americans encourage their fellow blacks to accept membership in the clubs in order to let their white counterparts know that they do know how to play the sport and they do know how to conduct themselves (Clay. p. 2). Such actions would help increase Black membership into the clubs and eventually create the situation where their skills are at par with the whites. Pretty soon, the scenario will portray a good player being admired for his skills regardless of his race. A paper by Mitchelson & Lazaro (p. 48) sought to assess the spatial accessibility of African-Americans to golf as an example of continued social injustice. This paper evaluated the impact of geography and spatial accessibility in golf and how such elements have affected the issue of racial segregation in the sport. This paper was able to point out that a crucial element in the issue of racial segregation in golf is owed to the fact that most of the communities where golf clubs and golf courses are found are in the gated and higher income communities. And these higher income communities are usually dominated by White Americans (Mitchelson & Lazaro, p. 48). These golf clubs and golf courses are rarely, if at all found in lower and middle income communities where majority of the black population reside. Instead, the courses “have been largely preserved as spectacular islands of privilege. They were private country clubs, public playgrounds that were far from public, and how they often are the central park of gated communities” (Mitchelson & Lazaro, p. 70). And these clubs, to this day, remain in such gated and exclusive communities. The evolution of golf and racial segregation in golf cannot be complete without the inclusion of Joe Louis and his contributions to the desegregation in golf. Although Joe Louis was a world heavyweight champion boxer in the 1940s and 1950s, he was also a golf enthusiast and he was responsible for generating a greater interest for the sport among African-Americans (Dawkins & Farrell, p. 86). His enthusiasm and his skill in the game eventually allowed him to emerge as one of the most recognized golf players in the black communities in America. He also supported many black golfers and he expanded opportunities for them to compete by founding his own tournament. His tournament was open to everyone – blacks, whites, and racial minorities (Dawkins & Farrell, p. 86). His methods in pressuring and criticizing the PGA for their exclusivity rule produced limited results and his military, however his active stance in gaining attention in the name of equal civil rights was very much in line with the civil rights movement which was gaining momentum in the United States (Dawkins & Farrell, p. 86). He was able to draw much needed attention to golf discriminatory practices and later was able to open opportunities for black Americans to play in the professional tours. He played an aggressive, but important role, in pursuing social justice for African American golfers and such role should be highlighted over and above any other radical connotation attributed to his name (Dawkins & Farrell, p. 86). He is just one among the many African-Americans who have managed to gain ground in racially desegregating golf. Conclusion Throughout the history and evolution of golf as a sport, it is patently obvious that it has been and still is (to a lesser degree) a racially exclusive sport. Black Americans have been discriminated from playing this sport largely because of the color of their skin and of the socio-economic disparity that has existed for many years between the African-Americans and the whites. Crucial events and pioneering black men and women have managed to prove their skills in the sport and this has been a crucial turning point in the racial desegregation of the sport. Nevertheless, to this day, racial segregation in golf is still manifest. Not in the same way as 30-40-or 50 years ago, but it is still there – more subtle in application, but still there. Works Cited Aesop Robinson Golf Association (2010) They altered the course of golf history. ARGA. Retrieved 17 April 2010 from http://www.arga.org/news/ns_hist.html Black Enterprise (September 1997) Remembering the old UGA tour - all-Black United Golf Assn - Black Enterprise Golf and Tennis Challenge: 4th Annual Tournament Journal. Find Articles. Retrieved 17 April 2010 from http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m1365/is_n2_v28/ai_19690608/ Carter, J. (17-23 August 2000) The Williams sisters and Tiger are great, but tennis and golf leave much to be desired. The New York Amsterdam News, pp. 31-32 Clay, B. 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