Social Campaigns, Communications Systems, and Social Practice - Coursework Example

SOCIAL CAMPAIGNS, COMMUNICATIONS SYSTEMS, AND SOCIAL PRACTICE by (Name) Course Instructor Institution City, State Date The creation of social campaigns relies on a combination of art and science. Different aspects of visual language are combined with scientific research results and the knowledge of social science to create meaningful messages. Currently, numerous campaigns attempt to convince people to stop aggression, discrimination, alcohol and drug abuse, and smoking. The communicative objective of such initiatives could be to break down undesired behaviors that could harm people’s health, pollute the environment, or affect other individuals within the society (Thwaites, Davis, and Mules 2002). In contrast, the initiatives could be geared towards the stimulation of desired behaviors, such as the practice of safe sex, for the benefit of the entire society. Therefore, social campaigns enable different organizations to communicate ideas or practices successfully through the use of interpersonal communication and the mass media. This paper discusses the socio-political effects of three drug awareness social campaigns. Drug Awareness Social Campaigns Anti-smoking social campaigns have been an integral part of Australia’s tobacco control efforts since the late 1960s when Dr. Nigel Gray, the then head of the Cancer Council Victoria, produced numerous low-budget advertisements to warn people about the health repercussions of smoking (Young 2013). In the mid-1970s, various anti-smoking mass media campaigns were launched throughout the nation. The ‘Sponge’ commercial, which was aired in New South Wales (NSW) in 1983, became very successful and accounted for a 1% decline in the prevalence of smoking not only Sydney, but also Melbourne (Lin and Smith 2014). State-based campaigns, particularly in NSW, Victoria, and Western Australia, continued to rely on formative research as a means of guiding the development of media survey and campaigns to assess their impact. Owing to that, research-based campaigns in the nation quickly became a valuable aspect of tobacco-control efforts. After years of experimenting with different messages and styles, the National Tobacco Campaign, Australia’s first real national social campaign, was initiated in 1997 and heralded the use of ‘scare tactics’ when educating members of the public concerning the negative effects of smoking (Torre 2013). The National Tobacco Campaign guided the development, research, and evaluation of public health social campaigns at the state and national level since that time. As a result, Australia became internationally recognized for its effective social campaigns. Quit Victoria Quit Victoria is a renowned health organization that has developed numerous tobacco control campaigns in Australia. It is a joint initiative of VicHealth, the National Heart Foundation, the Department of Health, and the Cancer Council Victoria. There has been significant progress in minimizing the health impacts of tobacco in Victoria since the organization was established in I985. The state’s smoking rates have declined considerably in men as well as women. Other advances include the phasing out of numerous tobacco advertisements, the development of various legislations that protecting individuals from second-hand smoking, the prohibition of smoking in work environments, as well as the introduction of plain packaging. Despite such achievements, the organization states that additional social campaigns need to be launched to reduce the impacts of tobacco at the national level. Example 1: Quit Victoria, 2007. The ‘carotid’ advertisement [video, online]. Available from: https://www.youtube.com/watch?feature=player_embedded&v=8bz2orxHN44 [Accessed 19 May 2014]. Even though the 2007 Quit Victoria advertisement that was titled ‘Carotid’ received an M-rating, it successfully educated Australians that smoking was a leading cause of strokes. It showed surgeons from St. Vincent’s Hospital in Melbourne removing fatty deposits from a main artery situated in a woman’s neck. It warned people that smoking could cause deposits to stick inside the walls of the arteries that led to the brain, a situation that could cause a stroke capable of paralyzing, blinding, or even killing smokers. Even though the patient was an actor, real life surgeons performed the operation featured in the advertisement. Their objective was to educate and to warn Australian smokers. Institution. The primary target of the Carotid advertisement was all smokers in Victoria and Australia. The 1987 Tobacco Act of Victoria prohibited the sale of cigarettes to individuals below the age of 18 years. Despite this initiative, a study conducted by Torre (2013) in 1996 showed that eight out of every ten new smokers were children or adolescents. In 1995, over 277,000 school students aged between 13 and 17 years were regular smokers (Lewis 2003). If they had continued smoking, over 138,000 of them would have died prematurely (Haustein and Groneberg 2009). Children who begin to smoke at the age of 14 years or younger are 6 times more likely to suffer from lung cancer compared to individuals who begin smoking at the age of 24 years or more (Young 2013). By 2007, the smoking rate among Australian adults (aged over 18 years) was 21.3% (Torre 2013). Smoking related illnesses killed close to 15,000 Australians between 2004 and 2005. This was equivalent to 40 preventable deaths daily (Talbot and Verrinder 2009). The most common tobacco-related diseases included chronic obstructive pulmonary disease, heart disease, and cancer. Smoking resulted in about 750,000 days spent in hospitals and over $670 million spent treating tobacco related illnesses over the same period (Haustein and Groneberg 2009). Quit Victoria initiated the campaign with the aim of resolving such issues. Functions of address. The advertisement asserted that Australian smokers were personally responsible for their health. Torre argues, “Even though smoking enabled individuals to identify with the habitus of various social groups, the seriousness of tobacco-related diseases was not worth taking the risk” (2013, p. 63). Therefore, the Carotid advertisement encouraged individuals to quit smoking because it not only resulted in immediate health benefits, but also lowered the risks of smoking-related illnesses significantly regardless of the person’s age. Themes. The primary objective of the advertisement was to educate smokers that smoking facilitated the accumulation of fatty deposits in their main arteries. Its secondary objective was to warn them that such deposits could result in strokes, paralysis, or death. Power relations. Since the campaign emphasized that the smokers were personally responsible for their wellbeing, it merely informed them about the health consequences of smoking with the aim of encouraging them to quit. Only smokers had the power of making meaningful decisions concerning their health. Socio-political effects of the advertisement. Owing to the advertisement, smoking rates among Australian adults declined significantly. For instance, the rate declined from 21.3% in 2007 to 17.5% in 2010 (Torre 2013). By 2012, the smoking rate among Victorian adults was 13.5% (Young 2013).The advertisement also played a critical role in the implementation of plain packaging of cigarettes. According to Torre (2013), some of the benefits of the initiative included reduced appeal of smoking among young people, reduced deception concerning the harmfulness of cigarettes, and increased effect of graphic health warnings. Example 2: Quit Victoria, 2011. Stop smoking, start repairing [Online]. Available from: https://www.facebook.com/quitvic [Accessed 23 May 2014]. The goal of the poster campaign was to motivate people to quit smoking by showing them how it would benefit their bodies. For instance, within the first eight hours of quitting, smokers’ bodies would expel excess carbon monoxide allowing organs to receive adequate oxygen supply (Elders 1997). Furthermore, within one week of quitting, their bodies would expel most of the nicotine and their senses of smell and taste would improve. According to the campaign, quitting smoking should be the priority of all Victorian smokers because it presents immediate as well as long-term health benefits. Institution. While the poster campaign was primarily addressed to Victorian smokers, it also targeted other smokers across Australia. Smoking is one the leading causes of preventable deaths in the Victoria. For instance, from 2000 to 2008, about 4,000 smokers died annually from smoking-related diseases (Voon, Mitchell, and Liberman 2013). Nicotine is the addictive component in cigarettes. Talbot and Verrinder state that, “Addicted smokers require certain quantities of nicotine to satisfy daily cravings and to ‘feel normal’” (2009, p. 83). However, cigarette smoke contains various harmful compounds. For instance, tar, which contains numerous carcinogenic chemicals, is sticky and stains lung tissue, fingernails, and teeth. Carbon monoxide binds to red blood cells and cuts oxygen supply to the heart, muscles, brain, and other organs (Beyer and Brigden 2003). Other compounds include free radicals, hydrogen cyanide, and metals. Quit Victoria relied on social network sites such as Facebook and Twitter to popularize the campaign. With over 15,000,000 active social media users in the country, the platform made it possible to influence many Australian smokers, particularly teenagers and young adults. Quit Victoria also relied on television commercials to reach out to older smokers. Furthermore, by collaborating with the World Health Organization (WHO), it took the campaign to various high schools and colleges in Australia and addressed over25,000 students in 2011 alone (Boyle 2011). Functions of Address. The poster campaign involved four parties: Quit Victoria, WHO, the Australian government, and Australian smokers. The main responsibility of Quit Victoria and WHO was to conduct social media campaigns and organize seminars with the aim of popularizing the health benefits of quitting smoking. However, through the ‘Quitline’ provided on the posters, the health organization also received calls and either advised tobacco addicts on how to quit, or referred them to various rehabilitation agencies in Australia. The role of the Australian government was to support the campaign financially and in kind (Voon, Mitchell, and Liberman 2013). For instance, it provided vehicles and drivers who transported members of the campaign team to different high schools and colleges holding tobacco-quitting seminars. Lastly, Australian smokers had the responsibility of committing to quitting programs. While Quit Victoria and WHO created awareness, only they could take action concerning their health. Themes. The aim of the campaign was to encourage people to quit smoking by showing them that it offered desirable immediate as well as long-term benefits. Power relations. Quit Victoria, WHO, and the Australian government (through the Department of Health) acted as information disseminators. Only smokers had the power of quitting. Socio-political effects of the advertisement. By the end of the ‘Stop Smoking, Start Repairing’ poster campaign, over two thirds of Australian smokers were convinced that tobacco was harmful. Furthermore, through the campaign, the Australian government implemented a 12.5% tobacco tax increase in 2013 with the aim of “reducing the prevalence of tobacco smoking in Australia by half by the end of 2018” (Lin and Smith 2014, p. 23). It also encouraged about 38% of Victorian smokers to use the tax increase as a means of abandoning smoking (Voon, Mitchell, and Liberman 2013). Example 3: Quit Victoria, 2010. Never give up quitting [Online]. Available from: http://www.quit.org.au/keep-quitting/ [Accessed 23 May 2014]. The 2010 ‘Never Give up Quitting’ internet campaign was Quit Victoria’s first positive anti-smoking initiative in over two decades. It acknowledged the challenges faced by smokers and attempted to build their confidence to quit smoking for good (Voon, Mitchell, and Liberman 2013). The video clip used during the campaign featured a smoker struggling to quit the habit of smoking. At first, the smoker was able to resist the urge to smoke for about three days, He then relapsed but managed to resist the urge for another six weeks. After struggling for over one year, he finally quit for good. Institution. The campaign primarily targeted Victorian smokers and was initiated after the findings of a 2009 study conducted by Cancer Council Victoria showed how much smokers wanted to stop smoking (Phelps and Hassed 2012). According to the study, about two thirds of Victorian smokers had attempted quitting at least once, while more than half of them had made the attempt multiple times. Most smokers wanted to quit but lacked the resolve and confidence to do so successfully. Functions of address. The campaign involved three parties: struggling tobacco quitters, Quit Victoria, and the Australian government. The role of the quitters was to remain focused so that they could be able to quit successfully and to realize that it usually took multiple attempts to abandon the habit for good. The role of Quit Victoria was to provide moral support to the quitters while the government financed the entire campaign. Themes. The objective of the campaign was to show smokers that even though quitting the habit of smoking was challenging, it could be achieved provided they had the determination. Power relations. Since quitting is a personal commitment, only quitters have the power of abandoning the habit. However, it is the responsibility of the government, Quit Victoria, and other health organizations to support them. Socio-political effects of the advertisement. Majority of Victorians found the campaign either ‘very convincing’ or ‘convincing’ (50% and 72% respectively). About 42% of them considered it ‘relevant’ while close to 23% of them found it ‘very relevant’. In a study conducted by Henshaw (2013), about 43% of the smokers stated that the advertisement encouraged them to think about quitting smoking. Through the campaign, the Australian government enforced a ban that prohibited smoking in public spaces throughout the nation. In conclusion, the three media campaigns for tobacco control utilized commercial marketing techniques to sway the attitudes, knowledge, and behaviors of groups, individuals, and the society as a whole. Unlike commercial marketing approaches that benefit the shareholders of a company, social campaigns are designed with the objective of benefiting the recipients of the message (Barrows and Hing 2006; Thwaites, Davis, and Mules 2002). Apart from working directly to alter behavior, the media campaigns also operated indirectly by setting agendas for public and interpersonal discussions that resulted in changes in public policy and social norms. Reference List Barrows, C. and Hing, N., 2006. Club management issues in Australia and North America. London: Routledge. Beyer, J. and Brigden, L., 2003. Tobacco control policy: strategies, successes, and setbacks. Washington D.C.: World Bank Publications. Boyle, P., 2011. Tobacco: science, policy, and public health. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Elders, M., 1997. Preventing tobacco use among young people: a report of the surgeon general. Pennsylvania: DIANE Publishing. Haustein, K. and Groneberg, D., 2009. Tobacco or health?: physiological and social damages caused by tobacco smoking. Heidelberg: Springer. Henshaw, V., 2013. Urban smellscapes: understanding and designing city smell environments. London: Routledge. Lewis, M., 2003. The people’s health: public health in Australia, 1950 to the present. Connecticut: Greenwood Publishing Group. Lin, V. and Smith, J., 2014. Public health practice in Australia: the organized effort. New South Wales: Allen & Unwin. Phelps, K. and Hassed, C., 2012. Essence of good health: general practice: the integrative approach series. Amsterdam: Elsevier Health Sciences. Talbot, L. and Verrinder, G., 2009. Promoting health: the primary health care approach. New South Wales: Elsevier Australia. Thwaites, T., Davis, L. and Mules, W., 2002. Introducing cultural and media studies: a semiotic approach. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Torre, G., 2013. Smoking prevention and cessation. Heidelberg: Springer Science & Business. Voon, T., Mitchell, A. and Liberman, J., 2012. Public health and plain packaging of cigarettes: legal issues. Camberley: Edward Elgar Publishing. Young, E., 2013. Food and development. London: Routledge. Read More