Michael Billigs Banal Nationalism - Book Report/Review Example

BANAL NATIONALISM Banal Nationalism In the recent times, there has been a rise of various researches and literatures on patriotism and nationalism (AAG Center for Global Geography Education 2011, p. 1). Most specifically, there have been numerous studies on Michael Billig’s banal nationalism. Ideally, many sociologists view patriotism and nationalism as different concepts with reference to their character traits, historical development, and their association with nations or states. Notably, Michael Billig introduced the concept of banal nationalism and defined it as the ideological habits, which enable the established nations of the West to reproduce where these habits are not removed from everyday life (Goodrum 2005, p. 68) as the nation is indicated, or flagged, in the lives of its citizenry (Billig 1995, p. 6). Indeed, banal nationalism can refer to all those representations of nationalism that we fail to notice in our everyday life and that we accept unquestioningly (Cotofan 2011, p. 521). There are various examples that can explain Michael Billig’s banal nationalism, which may include the use of national flags, the use of a countrys name, national sporting events, references to the nation in our money, a map, the countrys leaders, performance of the nation’s loyalty pledge, and naming of clubs and franchises, mausoleums, or buildings (Cotofan 2011, p. 521). Worth noting is that all these examples demonstrate social, political, national, and ethnic integration. Most assuredly, nationalism establishes a dominant feeling in established nations. This paper will use relevant examples to address Michael Billig’s banal nationalism where it will explore the meaning, strengths, and limitations of his argument. Ideally, there have been many debates on nationalism and patriotism where sociologists assert that while patriotism relates to the state, nationalism relates to the nation. Indeed, some sociologists argue that patriotism demonstrates a strong sense of identity with the polity while nationalism relates to ethnic, linguistic, cultural, or religious identity (AAG Center for Global Geography Education 2011, p. 1). More so, other sociologists address nationalism and patriotism in the context of intensity. However, regardless of the context of their definition, both patriotism and nationalism depend on the promotion of state’s identity. Indeed, Michael Billig claims that despite the fact that we use patriotism to describe representations and manifestations of our country and nationalism to describe any violent, marginal, and extremist manifestation, both terms are seemingly similar (Cotofan 2011, p. 524). This prompted Michael Billig to publish his book, Banal Nationalism in 1995. Again, the publication of this book furthered the debate on the two terms as sociologists continued to question the distinction between patriotism and nationalism. In his book, Michael Billig argued that nationals in developed countries commonly understand nationalism as a problem in the developing world, with only intermittent cases in which it rises in the states of the West (Billig 1995, p. 6). To this effect, he asserts that banal nationalism maintains the ideological foundations in the western nations between such intermittent events (Goodrum 2005, p. 68). Notably, Michael Billig equates banal nationalism to the nationalism of everyday life. Assuredly, this brought a new dimension to the concept of nationalism as Michael Billig presented a complex challenge to the literal interpretations and applications of nationalism in different states across the world. Indeed, the traditional interpretations and references to nationalism focused on extreme expressions of nationalism, while Michael Billig’s address on nationalism focused on daily, rare, and unique forms of nationalism which termed as `banal nationalism (Goodrum 2005, p. 68). In his book, Michael Billig reckons that traditional literature on nationalism generally relates to consistent efforts aimed at striving for, or securing national independence (Skey 2009, p. 331-332). Ideally, this aimed at ensuring that in in both popular representations and the social sciences, nationalism conceptualizes as ‘extraordinary, politically charged, and emotionally driven’ (Billig 1995, p. 44). Notably, Michael Billig accepts that there has been a limitation of the idea of nationalism to exotic and passionate exemplars where the norms and routine of nationalism do not exist. Indeed, he uses his book to remind us of nationalism. In fact, he asserts that certain aspects remind us of nationalism in the modern world and hence nationalism is still alive in all nations. Most specifically, Michael Billig seeks to know why citizens would forget their national identity yet many things remind them their nationalism. To this effect, he argues that routine symbols, habits, languages, personalities, and references to certain objects constantly remind us about nationalism in our daily lives through the media (Steele 2013, p. 1). This explains banal nationalism, which criticizes the orthodox theories in sociology, politics, and psychology, which ignore the flagging of nationalism through the media as a dominant characteristic that defines our daily national identity. Michael Billig holds the idea that since nationalism is a huge ideological force in the modern world, it is fundamental for us to recognize those important signs that define our daily national identity. He notes that such signs are so common that we easily overlook them every day and doubt nationalism. For instance, we overlook our national flags, which fly in different places across the nation on a daily basis. This flag reminds us of our national identity yet we doubt the existence of nationalism in the contemporary world. Ideally, banal nationalism refers to the daily signs in the nation, which depicts our national identity and builds a sense of national unity and belonging among humans in the modern world. However, although Michael Billig’s banal nationalism forms a logical argument, the term is only applicable in academic discussion of deriving national identity. Nevertheless, it is quite clear that Michael Billig derived the term, banal nationalism with the sole intention of distinguishing daily, endemic nationalism from extremist variants practiced in traditional interpretations of nationalism. Indeed, he sought to draw our attention to the fact that nationalism was not only a quality of gun toting, flag-waving “extremists” (Billig 1995, p. 5), but also a concept reproduced by everybody in our daily lives. In fact, banal nationalism refers to a theory which advocates for the need of reminding nationals in established nations of the constant representations that remind them about national identity and nationhood belonging. Furthermore, Michael Billig notes that nationals in established nations tend to forget about the aspect of nationhood belonging and hence the need to remind them since the signs of reminding them about national identity are present on routine basis yet they always overlook them (Steele 2013, p. 1). There are different examples that can explain Michael Billig’s banal nationalism in the modern society. For instance, the use of flags in everyday contexts, national songs, references to the nation on our money, the use of terms such as the prime minister, and the reference of the nation in presenting international news can define banal nationalism. Most specifically, we see our national flag, which symbolizes our national identity in different places every day. The national flag is an effective reminder of nationhood belonging and national identity because it never changes and flies on a daily basis. Indeed, the American flag is popular and unique and thus represents American identity in an effective manner. However, despite its constant presence we overlook its representation of national identity and consequently doubt whether American nationalism exists. This derives the need for a reminder of the signs that remind us of our national identity. Indeed, after giving attention to the daily representations of our national identity, nobody should then doubt the existence of the American nationalism. This explains Michael Billig’s banal nationalism. Notably, Michael Billig succeeds in demonstrating that the academic and journalistic focus on extreme nationalists, independence movements, and xenophobes undermined the strength of modern nationalism by claiming that nationalism is a questionable and hidden ideology. He notes that in the ancient times, religion, loyalty, and family associations weakened nationalism as people sought to identify themselves with their families or religion. Nevertheless, Michael Billig asserts that the hidden nature of modern nationalism makes it the foundation of powerful political associations and global violence since there is minimal exploration and understanding on nationalism in the modern world (Backhouse 2011, p. 1). Ideally, there is a common opinion view that nation-states are declining and that globalization overpowers nationalism in the modern world (Zuelow 2007, p. 1). In fact, Billig notes that in the recent times, there has been a consistent association of nationalism with extreme manifestations, like global conflicts that makes the media to assume that globalization is overshadowing nationalism in the developed nations (Fukuyama 2013, p. 1). However, Billig reckons that concepts, images, and national languages in developed democracies maintain national identity among the citizens (Fukuyama 2013, p. 1). Actually, Billing reminds us that the reproduction of nationhood persists since there is daily flagging of its symbols and assumptions (Billig 1995, p.8-9). As such, he disputes the idea of the presence of a declining nation-state using banal nationalism by claiming that American nationalism is experiencing hegemonic power. Indeed, since Americans have ways and powerful signs that represent their nationhood, then they have a national identity according to Michael Billig’s banal nationalism. Notably, most established nations like America, U.K, and France experience continued reminding of nationhood. As such, Billig asserts that nationals of such nations have a constant reminder of their national identity among different nations in the world. Michael Billig claims that the established nations are those that have confidence in their own continuity, and that, particularly belong to the western region (Zuelow 2007, p. 1). Notably, the political leaders in such nations are not typical nationalist but symbols of nationhood. As such, they act as banal reminders of our national identity. Billig explains banal nationalism in these nations where for example the flag hanging unnoticed on top of a rooftop defines the nationhood of such countries. Notably, the American national flag waved by a soldier does not reflect a banal reminder since we always see them and identify them with American identity. Ideally, it is true that the nation defines a social construction since we live in a world of nations and one must have a national identity. Then, there must be a reproduction of a nation and constant reminders of our nationhood must exist. As such, banal nationalism defines the daily reproduction of nationhood and the idea of the nation where it states that national identity does happen with celebrations, parades, or patriotic war, but in “mundane,” “routine,” and “unnoticed” ways (Billig 1995, p. 6-8). Subject to its effectiveness, in nationalism and media studies have constantly used the concept of Michael Billig’s banal nationalism where Billig argues that politicians through the mass media “flag” nationhood daily in the eyes of the citizens of established Western democracies (Slavtcheva-Petkova 2014, p. 43-44). Notably, it is through such flagging that developed nations reproduce as nations, with banal reminder of national identity to their citizenry (Billig, 1995, p. 154). Nevertheless, Michael Billig’s banal nationalism faces a lot of criticism from sociologists who claim that nationalism is the source of an irrational commitment and loyalty to one’s nation is a commitment that makes one willing to both die and kill for his nation (Wade 2011, p. 1). However, Billig supports banal nationalism by claiming that although banal nationalism may appear harmless, it can turn to frenzied nationalism since it creates a reservoir of emotional attachment to the state (Billig 1995, p. 5-7). Indeed, banal nationalism can form the basis for greater problematic nationalisms (Wade 2011, p. 1) where it can form the preconditions for hot conflict-seeking nationalism (Peterson 2009, p. 465). For instance, the American population wholly supported the entrance of America into the war in Iraq through banal nationalism without considering the role of U.S in global terrorism (AAG Center for Global Geography Education 2011, p. 1). Furthermore, the Thatcher government in Great Britain rapidly responded to the invasion of the Falkland Islands by Argentina in 1982, with little or no opposition through banal nationalism (Billig 1995, p. 1 -5). We can also establish that Billig failed to address the place of the nation in the globalizing world (Skey 2009, p. 331). More so, the link between banal flagging of nationalism in the media and national identities is highly problematic (Slavtcheva-Petkova 2014, p. 43). As such, banal nationalism does not work as planned by Billig especially with respect to the media (Slavtcheva-Petkova 2014, p. 43). Works Cited AAG Center for Global Geography Education 2011, Patriotism, Nationalism, and Banal Nationalism, retrieved 9 January 2014, Backhouse, S 2011, Kierkegaards Critique of Christian Nationalism, Oxford University Press, London. Billig, M 1995, Banal Nationalism, SAGE, London. Cotofan[acaron ], A. 2011, "Creating Authenticity: Banal nationalism in Henri Coandacaron] Airport", Development, vol. 54, no. 4, pp. 520-524. Fukuyama, F 2013, Banal Nationalism, retrieved 9 January 2014, < http://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/51860/francis-fukuyama/banal-nationalism> Goodrum, A 2005, The National Fabric: Fashion, Britishness, Globalization, Berg, Louvigny. Peterson, B.O. 2009, "Hot Conflict and Everyday Banality: Enemy images, scapegoats and stereotypes", Development, vol. 52, no. 4, pp. 460-465. Skey, M 2009, “The national in everyday life: A critical engagement with Michael Billig’s thesis of Banal Nationalism”, The Sociological Review, vol. 57, no. 2, pp. 331-346. Slavtcheva-Petkova, V 2014, “Rethinking Banal Nationalism: Banal Americanism, Europeanism, and the Missing Link between Media Representations and Identities,” International Journal of Communication, vol, 8, no. 1, pp. 43–61. Steele, S 2013, Critical Book Review of Banal Nationalism, retrieved 9 January 2014, < http://www.academia.edu/2587249/Critical_Book_Review_of_Banal_Nationalism> Wade, L 2011, Banal Nationalism, retrieved 9 January 2014, < http://thesocietypages.org/socimages/2011/07/04/banal-nationalism/> Zuelow, E 2007, Michael Billig "Banal Nationalism," retrieved 9 January 2014, < http://www.nationalismproject.org/what/billig.htm> Read More