Quebecois Notion of a State - Essay Example

Quebecois Notion of a Quebec is one of most studied provinces in Canada. Paradoxically, while the rest of North America strives towards unity such as the one realized in the United States, Canada has struggled with the nightmare of one of its provinces seeking autonomy and separation from the other provinces. The study of the province is important because its attempts to become an autonomous state have been faced with rejection and other problems that have made the realization of that dream nearly impossible. This study will discuss the possible problems and weaknesses that makes the success of Quebecs cessation almost impossible. The paper will also discuss why many of the Quebecois support the idea of having an autonomous state. There are several reasons why many Quebecois support the notion of an autonomous state. These notions are based on historical, social, economic and political reasons. Each reason will be analyzed in depth in attempt to find why the Quebecois support the notion of a state. Historically, there are numerous events that have occurred in the history of the Quebec-English Canadian associations from its conquest to the Quebec Liberation Front (FLQ) crisis. The associations were conflicting in nature particularly to certain issues such as race, religion, the British Empire, and language (Taucar, 2002).The FLQ, in 1963, placed bombs in strategic locations in Westmount where many Anglophones lived. Later, some members of the group stole military equipment and cash among other disturbing activities that led to great losses. Some of the Quebecers claim that the Quebecois shared historical memory and conscience were built on defeats that reduced their confidence in themselves. The Quebecois have also come to question the importance of their culture and language considering their diminishing eagerness for and the chances of survival (Taucar, 2002). Since the period of the Conquest, British and the English identities have become intertwined. Some writers believe that the English-French associations are built on the Conquest. This gives an implication that the Francophones are people who are conquered even to the present time. This is symbolically manifested by the historical events and the previous denial to acknowledge Quebec as a political community and a nation in the Constitution. For Quebec to experience rebirth, it should be able to move beyond the Conquest; such a move is an opportunity and a challenge for Quebec in the twentieth century (Taucar, 2002). After the Conquest, it seemed that the Habitants did not show any enthusiasm for or opposition to the new regime. The Lower Canada, now Quebec, had a system of government that was headed by the Governor, the judiciary, the elected assembly, and the Executive Council. The period was dominated by tensions between the French and the British. The region experienced Rebellions between 1837 and 1838. The Rebellion was particularly nationalistic in the Lower Canada. It was so because the system of the government under British rule and thus the Rebellion was against the British domination (Taucar, 2002). Other causes of the Rebellion were the economic crisis that arose as a result of the fur trade, fall in the prices of goods and the agricultural crisis. Out-migration and overpopulation became a burden because of the seigneurial system. The middle class was interested in dissolving the seigneurial system. Fear of assimilation into the Habitant’s lifestyle was also a contributing factor to the Rebellion (Taucar, 2002). Socially, there has been massive support for Quebecs cessation by Francophone middle class although there is still some rejection from the other half of the society. The historical and social reasons for the rejection can be attributed to community interests and identity problems (Blair, 2001). Although most of the Francophones are capable of identifying their linguistic groups, they are not in total agreement of the political framework that would place and develop the identity they have acquired (Langlois, 1992). Some are of the opinion that the Quebecois national identity is supposed to be supported by the sovereign or the independent state. The idea of independence has attracted a small number of people as the support for sovereign association after the May 1980 referendum has continued to decrease ever since (Langlois, 1992). There is a possible risk in the future for the Quebec state that it would fall in the hands of those who are well endowed economically. This projection has set Quebec on a stormy path. The need for cessation was founded on the desire to end conflicts. Class differences however may aggravate the problem in case independence is achieved. The outcome of the class conflicts will have heavy implications on the type of institutional arrangements that are supposed to be deliberated on by the Quebec society (Blair, 2001). Quebec has fought for its autonomy for quite a while. The main focus of this fight however is based on the state economic space rather than globalised economic power. The conflicting views in regard to the province’s autonomy are not new to the people of Quebec. If the obligation to choose cessation is to be preceded by broad mobilization, then it will make the opposition between the responsibilities of the nation or the state and the organizations of capital become an internal issue within the Quebec society. The citizens of Quebec with in this case face a type of globalization that they would not be directly involved in according to Blair (2001).Many people perceive the suggestion to make Quebec an autonomous state to be as good as to renew Quebecers loyalty to the political definition of common justice rather than the liquidation of Canada brought about by the unavoidable come back of the repressed in the historical context (Blair, 2001). Other people are of the opinion that Canada is a bi-national state. The French-Canadian culture is assumed to develop from the association of the two groups and thus the French are given an important position in Canadas institutions. They also guarantee those who speak the French language reception of services in their language. The idea is not accepted by all the people because some view it as a Canadian away of affirming its identity in a distinct form. Others have disputed the idea of cessation questioning the why the French reality must be imposed on the rest of Canada. This notion is getting deeply rooted in Quebec (Langlois, 1992). Economically, there are fears that the secession will mean that the economy will deteriorate. The economy of Quebec which is small is not a factor in determining its economic wellbeing. The success of Quebec will largely depend on its entrepreneurial spirit, business capability to adapt to the changing markets and technologies, its population and its ability to compete with the neighbors. The secession might not end all of the Quebec problems but it would reduce a considerable amount of these problems (Gordon, 2002). A look into the economic history of Quebec indicates that the economy was significantly controlled by the American capital and the minority Anglophone population that was particularly centered in Montreal. The first generation that was examined indicates that the British did most of the white collar jobs and the French were placed at the working level. The following generations were characterized by considerable changes in the level of their positions in the work environment (Taucar, 2002). The Quebec society had to cope with the use of the English language in the work place and in business because others were doing the same and the world was becoming more industrialized and urbanized after the Second World War and therefore, it gave rise to the assimilatory tendencies. The industrialization of Quebec created a platform for the interaction of the different ethnic groups of Quebec. This is so because the Anglophones was in control of the industry that has been in existence in a society with excess Francophone population. The Francophone population was characterized by large numbers of unskilled people and others who were searching for work (Taucar, 2002). The level of urbanization was astonishing; a significant and large proportion of the population was under the influence of the assimilatory pressures that were associated with the dominance of the Anglophones in the business world (Taucar, 2002). For quite a long time, Quebec has been unable to avoid conflict with the rest of Canada on matters pertaining to language, race, the British Empire and culture. Quebec was seen to be losing on most of the things that were of national importance but seemed to succeed on matters that were within the confines of Quebec. The transformations in Canada and the Quebec society have rendered the traditional conflicts obsolete but new tensions keep coming up since the Quiet Revolution and its aftermath (Taucar, 2002). The Quiet Revolution occurred between 1960 and 1966 and it was led by the Liberal government of the Premier, Jean Lesage. A significant phenomenon in the revolution was social, institutional and political reforms. The beginning of the revolution differs among different writers. However, the most important thing is the events that occurred in that period. Among important events that occurred in Quebec during this period was the acceleration of the modernization process and it begun immediately after World War II. However, the acceleration process was slowed down by the Duplessis government conservativeness (Linteau, 1991). Reorganization of the programs and structures was done on three key sectors namely health, social and education affairs. The reorganization also involved a whole overhaul of the government system. Nationalism was achieved in this period of Quiet Revolution; it saw the challenge of the British minority control and the rise of members of the French minority in the key positions in the economy and society. For Quebec, the Quiet Revolution set its pace for the entire period (Linteau, 1991). Politically, Quebec nationalism began in the 1960s and this was a transformation from the French-Canadian nationalism. The Quebec government since that time has been forced to adopt a series of platforms an example being the 1962 Lesage government request for Quebec to be established under special status. This is one of the many requests that were made by the various Quebec governments. The aim of the requests was to grant Quebec political autonomy (Intellectuals for the Sovereignty of Quebec [IPSO], 1999). The requests for Quebec to have political autonomy were not accepted during the commissions of inquiry and constitutional negotiations. For example, Fulton Favreau made a proposal in 1964 that was rejected, for the amendment of the constitution in regard to providing a veto to Canadas provinces (IPSO, 1999). The 1980 referendum defeat was partly as result of the promises for change that were made by Pierre Elliott Trudeau, the then Prime Minister. The changes promised however did not materialize. The federal government repatriated the constitution in 1961 and thus it enabled Canada to amend its own constitution. The changes were done without consultations with relevant provinces, among them being Quebec (IPSO, 1999). The new constitution became effective in 1982 despite it being amended without consultations. The federal government did not take note of the resolutions put forth by the Quebec National Assembly concerning the rejection of the new constitution. The new constitution limited Quebecs powers on matters pertaining to culture and language. It is imperative to note that the constitution which has been governing Canada since 1982 has never been ratified by Quebec people or their successive governments whether sovereignist or federalist and Quebec has never signed it (IPSO, 1999). After the repatriation, Quebec tried to negotiate the constitutional amendments that would give them the capability to sign the Canadian constitution. These negotiations unfortunately did not bear any fruits. In 1990, the inclusion of Quebec in the constitution was again rejected despite the five conditions being minimal in nature. This would have helped seal the gap (political force show) that was created in 1982. The government of Quebec was forced to form a commission on the constitutional and political future of Quebec. The Belanger-Campeau Commission, as it was commonly known, proposed a referendum to be held nationwide and the Charlottetown accord was proposed. The referendum did not succeed and it was voted down. Between 1980 and 1995, Quebec witnessed major failures in its political profile. The failures are the unlawful constitution repatriation, the Meech Lake Accord, the Charlottetown Accord failure, and the failure of the Belanger-Campeau Commission (IPSO, 1999). Conclusion Quebec has a past to deal with and this is one of the many reasons that many of the Quebecois want an autonomous state. Quebec has been under the rule of both the French and British. However, the French were more dominant and have massively influenced the culture of the Quebecois. The Quebec society comprises mainly the Anglophones and the Francophones. The two have had varied opinions on the separation of Quebec from the rest of Canada. The economic situation of the region is deplorable with majority of the population in Quebec unable to access formal employment. The political situation is even worse with many past constitutional and political failures. Quebec has to revise its strategies and try to correct the past mistakes that have led to its failure. Majority of the failures are due to poor planning and inadequate resources. Furthermore, Quebec must have proper structures to support social, economic, political and constitutional reforms that it is aspiring to have (if secession has to occur). It is for the establishment of proper structures for its self management that Quebec (or at least a section of its population) has been fighting toward cessation. As it is, the successful cessation of Quebec from its mother country remains quite uncertain to-date. However, in the event that the province succeeds in seceding, there are a number of challenges the country will have to face; economic, social and political. The country will have to institute structures that will see it manage to raise revenues to govern the country and create employment and other valuable services for its nationals. Internationally, the establishment of a Quebec state, according to several spectators, may not leave a major mark in the economic stability but will otherwise impact on Canadas political stability. The secession would however necessitate the signing of treaties for trade (especially with respect to energy) and international relations and use of the neighboring sea by Quebec. References Blair, L. (2001). Vive Quebec: New thinking and new approaches to the Quebec nation. Toronto, Ontario: James Lorimer Company. Gordon, D. (2002). Recession, state, and liberty. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers. Intellectuals for the Sovereignty of Quebec. (1999). Quebec sovereignty: A legitimate goal. Retrieved from http://www.rocler.qc.ca/turp/eng/Intellectuals/Intel.htm Langlois, S. (1992). Recent social trends in Quebec, 1960-1990. Germany: McGill-Queen‘s Press. Linteau, P. (1991). Quebec since 1930. Toronto, Ontario: James Lorimer Company. Taucar, C. M. (2002). Canadian federalism and Quebec sovereignty. New York, NY: Peter Lang Publishing. Read More