Beggars: A Misunderstood Subculture - Research Proposal Example

Beggars: A Misunderstood Subculture Introduction “Exchange is the purest and most concentrated form of all human interactions in which serious interests are at stake” (Levine 43). Farmers used to barter their produce with one another to get what they need in exchange for what others need: wheat for vegetables, vegetables for fish or fish for corn, etc. Likewise, education is obtained in exchange for the tuition or matriculation fee that is paid to learning institutions. In the same sense, contractors build our dream house in exchange for a specified amount of money. These are all affirmations that in a capitalistic society, nothing comes for free. It should, therefore, be both interesting and perplexing to see people earn their daily bread and subsist day by day on alms and donations from kind-hearted individuals or charitable institutions. We have come to call this very special subculture as beggars. Beggars make up a generic sub-group of people. They are seen almost everywhere – in cities, in rural areas, in third world and underdeveloped countries, and even in the most industrialized and wealthiest nations of the world. They are seen on the streets, roaming or sitting in one corner with unkempt hair, raggedy clothes and their grubby outstretched arms requesting passers-by for money or food. In the context of Levine’s theory of exchange and the conditions under which begging is carried out, it may be construed that beggars receiving donations from strangers constitute an exception to Levine’s concept of exchange in human interactions. To shed light on this matter, this research study ventured to gain a deeper understanding of beggars in New York, and how the interaction of this subculture with their donors fits Levine’s concept of exchange. Specifically, the following research questions were addressed: 1. Do beggars struggle with the idea of presenting themselves as helpless and/or powerless? 2. Do beggars hope of living better lives away from the streets by their own resolve? 3. How much do beggars get in a day on the street? Do they consider the amount as money earned? 4. Has the current depression affected the beggars’ proceeds at the end of the day? 5. What do beggars think about laws outlawing beggary? 6. How do beggars want people to think about their subculture and their way of living by panhandling? 7. What is a typical two hours in the life of a beggar? Scientific Literature Four scientific works were reviewed to gain a deeper understanding into the subculture of beggars which will be used in analyzing results of the research activity: a chapter authored by Erskine and McIntosh (27) from the book “Begging Questions” published a decade ago, a study completed in 2000 by McIntosh and Erskine (par. 1-47), the 2002 work of Osborne (43) and a research carried out by Smith (13) in 2005. Erskine and McIntosh maintained that the begging encounter is problematic for both the donor and the beggar, but this exposition will concentrate on the side of the beggar-side. It is rather obvious that on the donor-side, the problem is concerned more on moral judgment of whether or not to give to a beggar. On the part of the beggar, the issue is that as the beggar initiates an encounter, the act also involves affirming to a prospective donor that the beggar is helpless and powerless. The second literature surveyed involves a discussion of the nature of the begging encounter. The Levine theory of exchange was a focal point of the introductory part which considers the aspect of begging as an “ambiguous nature of interaction” since the common understanding about exchange is not consummated. Basically, all human efforts at interaction are founded on a framework of giving something and the receiver returning an “equivalence” (McIntosh and Erskine par. 1). From anecdotal accounts, homeless people and beggars who were able to contrive techniques to survive without a home exhibited their own kind of self-sufficiency, but do not tend to have plans of leaving their “street life”. Osborne attempted to empirically confirm the hypothesis using a sample size of ninety seven. “Identification with homelessness” scores were established by combining the scores of a test measuring self-concept and the Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale. Results of the study revealed the following about respondents with higher “identification with homelessness” scores: (1) more self-self reliant based on their tendency to use fewer social services; (2) had less attempts to leave the streets as their home; and (3) scored higher in the self-esteem measure that those who obtained lower scores in identification with homelessness (Osborne 43). There is a substantial volume of research studies on beggars and beggary written from either a historical or ethnographic viewpoint. It was, however, only in 2005 when a scientific study on the subject was made from an economic perspective by Smith (1). Based on the Smith’s meta-analysis of daily earnings of beggar subjects among 13 studies from 1988 to 1999, minimum daily earnings for 8 hours of begging fell within the mean range of $21.61 - $24.23. However, there were also beggars who earn only $6.39 in a month (Cockburn qtd. in Smith 13) or as much as $169.06 in a week (Walsh qtd. in Smith 13). The Smith study also saw the effect of the crackdown on beggars as a result of anti-begging regulations in various states. Before the anti-beggary regulations were implemented, the beggars’ mean earnings in a day stood as high as $65.62. After the anti-beggary laws came into effectivity daily earnings were only $26.25 at the most. Erskine and McIntosh’s position that the beggars struggle with the reality of having to present themselves as poor and helpless and this was included as one of the research questions in the current study in order to confirm if the same still applies a decade after the proposition was stated. On the other hand, the McIntosh and Erskine account of the Levine concept of exchange provided the main argument of the current study. The Osborne study was utilized in the current study as a ‘take-off’ point in the analysis of the respondent’s plans to leave the streets and live more normal lives. Meanwhile, the economic view of Smith’s work was used in the analysis of the respondents’ earning pattern in the current study, and whether or not, beggars today are earning more than beggars a decade ago. Research Methods The study adopted the descriptive method using qualitative research techniques. Since, there was very little time to complete the whole research endeavor, a semi-structured interview was conducted among the participants using an interview guide. Another technique used was observation. Logs of observations and interview of the research participants were kept using a micro-cassette recorder. Digital transcripts of the observations and the interviews were created at the end of the day. Research problems 1 to 6 were answered from the interviews conducted, while research problem 7 was answered using the participant observation strategy. Contrary to the assumption in the research proposal, beggars in the New York area chosen were not very accommodating research subjects. Nobody signed “informed consent” forms and were rather hesitant to answer too many questions. Fortunately, voluntary consent was given orally and recorded in the micro-cassette. Following is an account of the initial approach made by the researcher on prospective beggar subjects. Only three beggars voluntarily consented to an interview, and one of the three subjects allowed a two-hour observation after being offered $5 and free MacDonald’s lunch. The researcher (i.e., myself) donated $3 to each of the two other beggars who participated in the research study and provided homemade sandwiches and hot chocolate drink to all three respondents. No volunteers were recruited during the researcher’s first day on the street. From 8:00 am to 11:45 am, two beggars were approached, but the researcher was sent away in both cases. After having lunch and a little rest, the researcher decided to change strategies by donated $1 to the first beggar prospect with a greeting, which was shortly before 2:00 pm. Unfortunately, the beggar has a speech defect and it was very difficult to understand almost everything that is being said. On the second day, all morning was spent observing prospect beggars. The first approach was made at 12: 20 in the afternoon. I sat beside my prospect and asked if he already had lunch and sincerely told the man how difficult life must have been. The man replied and said he does not have enough for lunch. I offered sandwiches and hot chocolate with a request for an interview. The man hesitated at first, so I explained that the interview is for a school project. The beggar agreed for the interview but made it clear that he does not want videos or pictures taken. I gave the assurance and I had my first interview with Beggar 1. I left the $3 and a very sincere “thank you” after the interview. I did not get any beggar for an interview on the third day. Because I was so keen on a beggar who would agree for an interview and at least a two-hour observation. I used the same strategy I used for Beggar 1 on the fourth day and I was able to get Beggar 2 to agree for an interview. There was an unusual volume of people passing by the area where I was getting my subjects. None of the beggar prospects wanted to be disturbed in the morning or afternoon of the fifth day. On the sixth day, I was able to get the third beggar subject using the same style for Beggar 1 and Beggar 2. I got luckier with Beggar 3 because I also was given consent for a two-hour observation. Results This section contains the findings of the research study of beggars as a subculture and analysis of certain aspects of the data collected on the basis of the literature reviewed. For the preliminaries, the beggars were asked about their age, if they have a family, if they have a home, how long have they been on the streets begging and what drove them to beg. Here are some profile background information from the three beggar-subjects: Beggars 1 and 3 are male, while Beggar 2 is female. Beggar 1 is white and Beggars 2 and 3 are black. All three do not exactly know how old they are, do not know of any relatives in Manhattan or anywhere else. Beggar 1 lost his job as a part-time janitor when his employer went bankrupt and had to close down. He lost his left foot because of a complication from diabetes and he has since never able to find a job. He was thrown out from the dilapidated apartment he was renting for 5 years. Beggar 2 used to be a waitress in a bar, fell in love with one of the frequent habitués, got pregnant and was sued by the man’s wife for adultery. She gave birth in prison, and entrusted her baby to a fellow waitress in the bar, but the waitress took off and ran away with her baby. She lost all her savings and her home looking for her lost baby. Beggar 3 said he was so angry with the world when both his parents died in a vehicular accident. He said he just wanted to get away from it all and just wandered off the streets one day. From this researcher’s estimate, Beggar 1 is around 35-40 years old, while Beggar 2 is either in her late 20s or early 30s. Beggar 3 looks more like he is under 18 years old. Following is an excerpt from the interview preliminaries when the subjects were asked the question, “How long have you been on the streets?” Beggar 1: If you mean, begging for money, I am new at this thing. It has only been two months, I guess. I did not count the days. But I have been on the street for a year. Beggar 2: I can not remember anymore. It was a very long time ago. All I remember was it was still Clinton in the White House. Beggar 3: Ever since I left the foster home when I was 8. I don’t know how long ago that was. Research Question 1. Do beggars struggle with the idea of presenting themselves as helpless and/or powerless? The above question was rephrased in the Interview Guide as, “I know that begging is not the easiest way to obtain money for your daily needs, how was your first experience? The full answer given by each subject is given below to facilitate analysis in the subsequent discussion. Beggar 1: I had no choice. I have to swallow my pride so that I can have a little food or some money to buy food. It feels so humiliating to explain the obvious – that I am helpless, just to convince strangers to spare me some loose change or left-over food. It is always the first time, different people need a different approach. . Beggar 2: I thought that when I lost my job, all my money, my home and my kid, pride and dignity were all I have left. Life is so unkind to me. Now I do not even have pride. It was not taken away from me, I have to throw it away so that I can present myself as a worthy recipient of left-overs or some coins. Beggar 3: Begging is not as hard as making a black boy believe that he has two beautiful white people for his mom and dad. It easier to tell people that you are poor if you are black. But it is also very hard to tell people that you are helpless and incapable of earning a respectable living. From the responses of the subjects, it is evident that all three of them do struggle about the idea of presenting themselves as helpless and powerless. This finding confirms Erskine and McIntosh’s argument - beggars do, indeed, struggle with the reality of having to present themselves as poor and helpless. Research Question 2. Do beggars hope of living better lives away from the streets by their own resolve? Research question 2 was rephrased in the Interview Guide as, “What are your plans for the future? Do you dream that someday you can have a better home than the streets of Manhattan? All three beggar-subjects dream of living the cold and noisy streets to sleep in a cozy bed, but only Beggar 1 has plans to realize his dream through his own resolve. He said he is trying to raise enough money to finance his education. He hopes he can continue with his high school education (he stopped after his second year) and enroll in a computer class. He still believes that America is a land of many opportunities even for the handicapped as he bared his plans of working in a call center or as a transcriptionist. Beggar 2 thinks that the government should offer more programs for the rehabilitation of the needy. She also hopes of living in a permanent shelter and use up all her earnings in begging to finance her seemingly hopeless and desperate search for a kid, whose face she may not anymore recognize. The only remembrance she has about the baby is her birth certificate. Beggar 3 dreams of a permanent shelter and a scholarship from the government. He has not attended any formal schooling, but he can read and write from the tutoring he experienced while he was in the foster home. He also claims he does not do drugs or commit petty crimes like other black youth in the area. Based on the responses given by the subjects, only one of the three has a firm resolve to leave the “street life” towards a better future by his own efforts. The other two beggars seem to have left their fate and their future to government assistance. These findings, however, neither confirm nor counter the findings of the Osborne study discussed in the scientific literature. Research Question 3. How much do beggars get in a day on the street? Do they consider the amount as money earned? Research question 2 was rephrased in the Interview Guide as, “How much do you earn in a day? Is it enough for your daily needs? Beggar 1 receives as much as $25 on a good day and $3 on off-day, as the beggar calls it. He considers this apart from the tip he gets by watching a regular donor’s car or by keeping an eye on a dog while the owner shops in a nearby department store. He gets $50 more on a good day and $10 on off-days. On begging alone, Beggar 1 earns an average of $15 in an 8-hour day. Earnings from begging may be considered as sufficient if a beggar is contented to sleep on the streets and only has to worry about food. Beggar 2 claims she only gets $10 at the most and $4 at the least, and a daily average of $7. “Just enough for food but not for lodging, so I had to make haste each day to get free accommodation in the shelters”, says Beggar 2. Meanwhile, Beggar 3 claims he does not really earn much begging because most passers-by tend to stereotype black teens as drug users and always entertain second-thoughts about sparing a coin. “I earn $5 a day, nothing more and usually less”, confided Beggar 3, who says he very few people would entrust him with washing their car or mowing their lawn. A Catholic Church group in the area gives him used clothes and food weekly. Based on the aforementioned responses to research question 3, it was shown that the beggar with disability tends to earn the most. The pattern of the earnings from the three subjects also showed that the younger the beggars the smaller the earnings Research Question 4. Has the current depression affected the beggars’ proceeds at the end of the day? From the estimated average given by the subjects in research question 3, average beggar earnings a decade or so ago are greater than earnings today based on the figures from the Smith study. Considering that the value of money at present is lesser than the value of money a decade or so ago, the smaller averages from estimates given by the subjects beggars may be an indication that the current economic depression in the country has affected even the beggars’ proceeds at the end of the day. Research Question 5. What do beggars think about laws outlawing beggary? Research question 5 was rephrased in the Interview Guide as, “How do you feel about the laws prohibiting beggary in public places? All three beggars feel that these laws are not humane and inconsiderate of the misery of poor people. Beggar 1 believes that as long as beggars do not harass their prospect donors, policemen should be more considerate. Meanwhile, Beggar 2 thinks that if the government regards beggars as eyesores, beggars should be given a place to stay and food for their daily sustenance. Beggar 3 says beggars can do nothing if the government hates beggars, but is wont to believe that even in laws outlawing panhandling in public places, blacks are at a disadvantage. He decried the stigma of being discriminated as another addition to the “…while black” series with “begging while black” and went on to joke that he could not blame Michael Jackson for wanting to shed off his black color. Research Question 6. How do beggars want people to think about their subculture and their way of living by panhandling? Research question 6 was rephrased in the Interview Guide as, “How do you want people to think about your group and your way of living? It is the last question in the interview guide. Following is an excerpt from the interview: Beggar 1: I know that begging is not the smartest way to survive in these hard times. I can not blame a lot of people for thinking ill about us. Just please, do not think of us as criminals. We are just people like you trying to endure our bad fortune by asking a little help. If you do not want to help, fine with me. But just stop making laws to make us suffer more. If you believe that it is unfair that we get a little something for nothing, you are very wrong. We, beggars earn every cent we get. It is quite a small price we get paid for letting go of our pride. . Beggar 2: People should look at us as their image in the mirror. If they do not want to see dirt, ugliness and misery, they should clean the dirt, improve on the ugliness, and remedy the misery. Beggar 3: People must be made to realize that not everything bad is black. I just happened to be a black boy who lost a family and a home. I have not done anything illegal. I would rather endure hunger for days than steal bread. A begging black boy is far more preferable than a rich, white man who operates a drug syndicate. Research Question 7. What is a typical two hours in the life of a beggar? After the interview of Beggar 3, I moved about 4 feet from where he was standing and went on to observe the beggar boy. I sat on a nearby bench at exactly 3:45 pm. Conclusions Based on the findings from the interview and the a two-hour observation of one beggar-subject, the following conclusions were drawn about beggars in Manhattan, New York: (1) Beggars struggle with the idea of presenting themselves as helpless or powerless, but are constrained to do so in order to earn their daily bread; (2) All beggars dream and hope for better lives away from the street, but many of them rely much on the government for the realization of their dreams; (3) Beggars’ earning differ, with the disabled ones receiving more than the younger and more-able bodied ones. They consider the donations as their earnings; (4) The current depression has affected the beggars’ daily proceeds; (5) All beggars believe that anti-beggary laws are inhumane and inconsiderate of the plight of the poor; (6) Beggars have different ideas about their subculture, but all of them would like that other people do not take offense about their begging; and (7) From a two-hour observation of a young beggar, it was noted that the beggar sincerely appreciates people who take time to help him, but this beggar do not just receive, he also feels compassion for others like him and would not hesitate to lend a helping hand if he has the means to do so. Findings of the study also suggest that, Levine’s concept of exchange is consummated when beggars receive alms or donations. This was made evident in all the beggars’ statements that the price they received for losing their pride in the act of begging do not necessarily approach equivalence. In another development, since beggars expect so much from the government and are not too appreciative of current government initiatives to assist in their rehabilitation, it is believed that a needs assessment research study, at least city-wide in scope, should be undertaken to assess the needs of the beggars in terms of social services, and how the beggars think these services can be of more help to them. Findings of the study recommended will aid the city government in their policy directions regarding beggars and other needy constituents. References Erskine, Angus and Ian McIntosh. “Why Begging Offends: Historical Perspectives and Continuities.” Begging Questions: Street Level Economic Activity and Social Policy Failure. Ed. Hartley Dean. Bristol: The Policy Press, 1999. 13-26. McIntosh, Ian and Angus Erskine. “’Money for Nothing’?: Understanding Giving to Beggars. Sociological Research Online. 5.1 (2000), Osborne, Randall E. “‘I May be Homeless, But I’m Not Helpless’: The Cost and Benefits of Identifying with Homelessness.” Self and Identity. 1.1 (2002): 43-52. Smith, Patricia K. “The Economics of Anti-Begging Regulations.” The American Journal of Economics and Sociology. 64.2 (2005): 549-577. Appendix Full Account of the Two Hours in the Life of a Young Beggar I was counting the number of passers-by in front of Beggar 3. In a span of 15 minutes, 22 people passed him by. No one even cared to look at him. After all, Manhattan is a busy city. An old black woman stopped in front of Beggar 3, reached for her purse and stooped down to put a $1 bill. It was his first for the day. He had nothing the whole morning except the $5 I donated. I heard the boy thanked the woman “Thank you, grandma, may God bless you always.” That was already 4:07 pm. Eleven more passed, and then a white woman in her middle 40s perhaps, dropped two coins in the beggar’s can. It was 4:16. A black policeman approached the boy and said something, but I was not able to hear clearly. The boy did not look scared, but was rather happy to see the policeman. The policeman reached for something on his side and for a while, I though he was reaching for handcuffs, but it turned out to be just his wallet. He handed the boy two pieces of $1. When the policeman left, the boy told me in a rather loud voice that the policeman is one of his regular donors and that the lady earlier gave 50 cents. It was already 4:31 pm and 7 more people passed by the boy beggar. An Asian woman carrying a child sat beside the beggar and they began talking. This time, many people walking in front of the beggar and I lost count because I say the boy brought out the sandwich I gave him shortly before lunch, from his left pocket. He offered it to the Asian woman who shared the sandwich to her child. Then they woman left. It was already 4:59. There were even more people passing because it is already past 5 pm. I saw two male beggars who refused interview during the first day run towards Beggar 3. They said something to the boy but it was too noisy to understand from where I am. I saw Beggar 3 shook his head as he stood up. I prepared my bag because I thought Beggar 3 was leaving, but as it appeared, he was just stretching his legs. It was 5:20. The two hour observation period is almost over. So I stood up from the bench and walked closer to where the beggar boy was standing. I asked what the two beggars said. According to Beggar 3, at about this time, beggars who have earned enough money to pay a night’s lodging at low-cost shelters make their way to avail of the limited rooms. I could not help asking why he did not go with the two beggars and I learned that the boy would rather sleep in an old couch in the nearby church stockroom. He helps clean the church is exchange for a bath with soap, shampoo and warm water and a hearty breakfast. I was told that he usually goes to the church at 6:00 pm, but that day, he might be staying around a little longer because there are still many people. It was already 5:41. The boy said he would not mind me observing for more than two hours, but I needed to say goodbye because I was really tired and hungry. We exchanged “thank you’s” and the observation officially ended at 5:44. Read More