Importance of National Culture According to Fanon - Literature review Example

Importance of national culture in Fanon’s Analysis Number Department Importance of national culture in Fanon’s Analysis National culture refers to doctrines, behaviours, opinions and values that a people in sovereign country observes. Frantz Fanon has argued that even though national culture is important to the revolution of developing countries, it paradoxically restrains liberation campaigns owing to the regeneration of an essentialist, absolutist, fetishized thinking that favours only the middle-class. According to Fanon, national culture does not reflect the cultural multiplicity for all social classes. This means that although the idea of "nation" falsely characterizes victims of slavery as one in their crudeness, the unified optimism captured in the term usually proves vital to their effort at achieving liberalism in politics. Fanon supports a materialist understanding of the nationhood that is premised upon open-mindedness and respect for cultural diversity during and after the dismantling of the economic structures of the colonial rule. Cultural originality Despite the domination of the middle-class, a national culture consists of rich diversity. Colonialism, according to Fanon reverses these values by physically weakening the victims of imperialism (Naimou, 2013). It also erodes traditional cultural riches that existed before the arrival of an exotic, colonial culture. But if a colonial system attempts to embrace the national culture by galvanizing the local intellectual community to recover the ancient, pre-colonial cultural values, Mazrui (1993) has noted that Fanon warns that these endeavours are often artificial and cannot stand the test of time. Fanon elaborates that national culture can only be meaningful when it embodies the common revolutionary contribution of all victims of oppression and reflects them in the equitable sharing of the national cake. Owing to the fact that a national culture and folklore are two different things, a pure populist culture cannot be the path to the ultimate realization of the peoples actual requirements (Flores-Rodríguez and Jordan 2012). National culture is therefore important to the defence, and approval of the traditional values of a society. Fanon argues that colonialism is a threat to national culture, because colonial influence tends to over-simplify the very core cultural values of national identity. Apart from cultivating individual dignity, Johnson (2013) argues that Fanon’s concepts of national culture also support dynamism. It tears away acts defence for traditional values among members of a society which only serve to confine members of the society to trivial wars at the expense of bigger national interest. It also defeats colonial attempts to cultivate a culture of acceptance of the perceived inferiority among the colonized. Owing to the similarity in significance of national culture to an exotic one, Fanon advocates for the tearing way of colonial structures. Naimou (2013) notes that Fanon argues that cultural transformation would be a tall order under colonial rule, and that national liberation is the only remedy. The philosopher holds that national freedom from colonial rule is in line with internationalism: that, national liberation movements often lead the society to contribute more effectively and genuinely on international platforms. According to Fanon, national consciousness proves a fertile ground for the growth of international mindfulness and mutual respect. Fanons analysis supports the achievement of the core values of a typical national culture based upon democracy, cultural diversity and the rule of law through revolutionary means in the event that other peaceful means fails (Flores-Rodríguez and Jordan 2012). For an effective revolutionary campaign, he suggests that a full support and understanding of all the key factors of national culture must be considered. If not, a population segment that feels excluded from the decolonization campaign might hinder the full achievement of a national culture. Fanon’s Decolonization Theory tests the unity and resilience of the national culture in bringing about freedom to a country through revolution. Decolonization Theory Fanon’s Decolonization Theory was based on the greater parameters of the freedom of Negroes in the hands of dominant white rule (Omar, 2009). But the philosopher does not just examine the political manifestations of the global perception within which the mainstream whites discriminate against the Negro community. He bases his assessments upon a clear ethical duty to observe the equality of rights of diverse segments as consistent to the national culture. Fanon’s assertion that every person in society has an ethical duty to see to the interests of others is the foundation of decolonization theory and national culture (Naimou, 2013). In light of this theory, intellectuals and activists advocating for the protection of human rights and social justice have found it easier to organize fruitful campaigns aimed at conserving national culture. Fanon recounts how the Algerian population embraced the theory of decolonization by organizing themselves into a well-oiled revolutionary machine with determined fighting forces that made the country ungovernable for the French colonial masters (Omar, 2009). The experiences that other potential revolutionary groups can acquire from Fanon’s evaluation of the approaches to freedom are well articulated in the Algerian decolonization campaigns, but nonetheless clearly variable in different contexts such as in different countries in the Middle East and North Africa that have been affected by the recent Arab Spring (Johnson, 2013). True to the spirit of national culture, the Algerian revolutionary forces adopted a common voice of communication in the French language to achieve their goals.   Omar (2009) has argued that following the move by French to scuttle communication through the local media channels, the revolutionary movement (FLN) was prompted to summon the spirit of national culture which saw the success of the boycott of the colonial means of communication. These efforts pioneered the establishment of a nationalist media channel, the Voice of Fighting Algeria. The radio broadcaster now defied colonial publicity, marking the debut of the national voice countrywide. Another of the major nationalist challenges the people staged against the colonial rule’s rank and file was the drastically inclusive rallying call that all Algerians would be automatically guaranteed a place in the new republic.  As Chrisman (2011) has noted, the culture of inclusiveness was a well-deserved fight against European colonialism similar to Haiti’s call for a new republic as evident in nation’s clamour for the first set of laws enacted in 1805. The constitution was aimed at tearing away the colonial structures of social discrimination based human race by classifying all natives as of one race. Notably, both Haitian and Algerian scenarios are strong decolonizing campaigns, since they defied the very basic frameworks of imperialism according to Fanon. The Arab Spring The Arab Spring (2011) is a recent example of neo-modern revolution prompted by imperialism by native ruling elites (Ismael and Ismael, 2013). The cases of Libya, Egypt and Syria are all typical cases of ‘colonialism’ perpetrated by local forces that were hell-bent on stifling democratic rights and human rights of the local population. The Egyptian Revolution was a popular protest that started in January 2011. The revolution as based on Fanon’s theory of Decolonization was a nationalist call that witnessed the participation of diverse communities in demonstrations, protests, and occupations of key government buildings, riots, peaceful civil resistance, and withdrawal of services with the aim of creating a regime change (Agathangelou, 2012). Millions of locals from a diverse social classes and religious groups rose against the government to depose President Hosni Mubarak from power in February 2011. The successful campaign saw Muslims, liberal-minded individuals, anti-capitalists, and feminist revolutionaries free the country from dictatorial laws and ‘colonial’ systems. Hosni Mubarak’s exit paved way for a new set of laws within which new democratic elections were held in 2012. Interestingly, new President Mursi was again taken through the revolutionary path by disgruntled liberals in July 2013. Egypt is currently preparing ensuring stability in readiness for another election in 2014. Nzongola-Ntalaja (2012) argues that true to Fanonian philosophy, the Libyan Revolution was another confrontation between agents of change and the dictatorial regime of the North African state of Libya in 2011. The conflict pitted government forces under Colonel Muammar Gaddafi against revolutionary forces seeking to topple his administration. Prior to the war, disenfranchised protesters coalesced around the need for constitutionalism, political liberalism, human rights protection and equitable share of national resources. The protests grew into an armed conflict that extended across the country. Ismael and Ismael (2013) have noted that the eventual arrest and execution of Muammar Gaddafi in October 2011, brought to an end the decolonization campaign in the hands of a local dictator and ushered in a new hope for more freedom in national culture based on constitutionalism. But the fruits of the 2012 elections and the revolution in general have not yet been realized due to constant conflicts and sieges by security forces in the country (Agathangelou, 2012). In Syria, the initially peaceful protests which were aimed at bringing about sanity in governance and a national culture based on freedom of diversity, political liberty and constitutionalism has transformed from into violent protests (Agathangelou, 2012). The Free Syrian Army (FSA) has been pitted against President Assad’s Alawite-dominated troops. Syria’s revolution was inspired by the largely effective uprisings in Egypt and Tunisia (Nzongola-Ntalaja, 2012). The local population has risen against the discriminatory regime that they accuse of mismanagement of resources, nepotism, and corruption. The national call has been to deliver a more democratic culture based on the rule of law and inclusiveness, which the current president and his predecessor father have failed to deliver for a total of four decades that they have been in power. Conclusion Generally, Fanon calls for an empowered people who have a voice regarding how they want to be led. This is the spirit of national culture. Colonial rulers did not have the national interest at heart. Many colonial powers like the French in Algeria have influenced the national ideology in their favour, but at the expense of national culture. The erosion of the fundamental traditional values prompted Fanon to advocate for the protection of the national interest, arguing that once the values are lost, it becomes hard to reclaim them. In light of these challenges, Fanon calls for decolonization of the people from discrimination through revolutionary means. Like the colonial masters, local leaders who had assumed power from them formulated sectarian policies that discriminate against certain communities. The recent revolutions in Egypt, Libya and Syria are testimony to the quest for reclaiming the national culture. References Agathangelou, A.M. 2012. The Living and Being of the Streets: Fanon and the Arab Uprisings. Globalizations, 9(3), pp.451-466. Chrisman, L. 2011. The vanishing body of Frantz Fanon in Paul Gilroys Against Race and after Empire. The Black Scholar, 41(4), p.18. Flores-Rodríguez, D., and Jordan, J. 2012. Introduction: The Continuing Relevance of Fanonian Thought: Remembering the Life and Work of Frantz Fanon. Black Scholar, 42(3/4), pp.3- 7. Ismael, J.S., and Ismael, S.T. 2013. The Arab Spring and the Uncivil State. Arab Studies Quarterly, 35(3), pp.229-240. Johnson, D. 2013. Fanons travels in postcolonial theory and post-apartheid politics. College Literature, 40(2), p.52 Mazrui, A. 1993. Language and the quest for liberation in Africa: The legacy of Frantz Fanon. Third World Quarterly, 14(2), pp.351-363. Naimou, A. 2013. Masking Fanon. College Literature, 40(3), p.38. Nzongola-Ntalaja, G. 2012. Following the Path of Revolution: Frantz Fanons Political Legacy for Africa. Black Scholar, 42(3/4), pp.36-44. Omar, S.M. 2009. Fanon in Algeria: a case of horizontal (post)-colonial encounter? Journal of Transatlantic Studies, 7(3), pp.264-278. Read More