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The Dilemma of Contemporary Chinese-American Subculture - Essay Example

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This essay "The Dilemma of Contemporary Chinese-American Subculture" concerns the Chinese-American subculture. Admittedly, several members of this subculture situated themselves purposefully to work as diplomats to both the mainstream culture and their families. …
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The Dilemma of Contemporary Chinese-American Subculture
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Living Up to the Chinese Heritage in White America: The Dilemma of Contemporary Chinese-American Subculture Introduction Writing for the Lake Tahoe Conference papers, Chinese-American William Hoy claims, “We occupy a most unique position, standing betwixt the cultures and traditions of our forefathers and that of the land of our birth” (Bloom 2002, 77). In this cultural space, several members of the Chinese-American subculture situated themselves purposefully to work as diplomats to both the mainstream culture and their families. Hoy argued that the task of the current Chinese-American subculture was to “interpret the Chinese culture and civilization” (Chun 2000, 56) to mainstream America and “to explain the American ways” (Chun 2000, 56) to their families. William Hoy further stated that American-born Chinese could enhance the Chinese-American subculture’s scientific and technological knowledge acquired by exploring Western culture. To Western civilization, whose philosophy was basically ‘experimental’, they could improve Chinese thinking, which was described to be ‘humanistic’ (Chun 2000, 56). Reconciling cultures became the idealistic image defining the bringing together of ‘Western and Eastern’ cultures. Paradoxically and unexpectedly, according to Ling (1998), second generation Japanese-American also had made themselves as cultural ‘mediators’, introducing the Oriental to the Occidental and the Occidental to the Oriental. Working as the ‘bridge’, they also had expected that improved cultural knowledge and appreciation would result in better interactions with the mainstream culture. The blank paper is an appropriate symbol to confirm the study of second-generation Chinese American. The blank paper yet to be written holds grand prospects for the current Chinese-American subculture. Over the years, they have started self-willfully to create a language with which to talk about what American-born Chinese stands for. Within that language lives, as though to bear witness to the survival of unique Chinese-American culture, a vibrant and diverse repository of recognizable images, themes, and resurfacing intertextual mention (Ling 1998) of the historical account of Chinese-American experience. Asserting Contemporary Chinese-American Identity Dancing to the tunes of Fred Astaire and Ginger Rogers, several Chinese American performers today displayed a thus far unfamiliar jazzier, contemporary feature of Chinese America. A remarkable if strange event in the Second World War period was the appearance of Chinese-American bars and nightclubs in urban quarters such as San Francisco (Ling 1998, 6). The Lion’s Den, Dragon’s Lair, Chinese Sky Room, Jade Palace, Chinese Village, and Twin Dragons were several of the nightclubs visited by both White and Chinese customers. The Forbidden City, located on 363 Sutter Street, is the most popular and oldest of these nightclubs. With fascinating all-Chinese performances, the nightclub began operating in 1938 and immediately became popular as one of the most desirous sites in San Francisco (Ling 1998, 6). According to Bloom (2002), geographically situated on the boundary of Chinatown, Forbidden City took up a cultural space too, in the sense that it became a representation of the different weak, unclear, and complex connections and interactions between the Chinese-American subculture and the larger society during when American-born Chinese people had started to have more visibility in the view of the White people. Not like other Chinese Americans, who, although projecting themselves to be modern in their ways and attitudes, nevertheless followed devotedly cultural traditions and styles supposedly owned by traditional China, these Westernized performers did not relate in any way with traditional Chinese cultural and artistic practices. Disloyal and disrespectful, this sector of the American-born subculture followed a different course (Bloom 2002). Disobeying parental teachings to become laundrymen, traders, or fine mothers, a number of these dissenters abandoned their families and followed their ambitions of becoming entertainers. Jadin Wong eventually became a Hollywood celebrity, after running away from home. Though almost destitute, she performed, tried out fruitfully for several small roles, and discovered Hollywood to be an impressive site in a way that her place of birth, Stockton, California, never was (Ling 1998). The story of Jadin Wong embodied the lives of numerous Chinese-American hopeful performers who abandoned the thin limitations of what was believed of ‘civilized’ Chinese Americans in search of grand ambitions. A lot of older Chinese Americans scolded the young generations for failing to live up to their idea of what made up ‘respectable’ and ‘righteous’ Chinese. As stated by Mary Mammon, a performer at Forbidden City, “Dancing just was not a part of Chinese culture” (Chun 2000, 67) Finding out that his father would never recognize his preferred job, Paul Wing chose as well to run away from home. His father, faced with a child who would rather dance than study, talked to his wife and sadly cried out, “You know your number one son, something gone wrong somewhere” (Chun 2000, 67). Jadin further stated, “Chinese people in San Francisco were ready to spit in our faces because we were nightclub performers” (Chun 2000, 67). The intense discrimination against entertainers was in fact based on the Confucian philosophy, which positioned the social standing of performers on the level of beggars, criminals, and prostitutes (Ling 1998). Had these entertainers matured in Chinatown center, they could not have tried to join show business. Yet, having raised in more isolated regions, far from the judgmental stare of Chinatown seniors, a lot did not have second thoughts about chasing their dreams of becoming dancers or singers. If several members of the Chinese society mocked these apparently highly Westernized youths, many White patrons willingly admired them. The key selling point for a thriving business such as the Forbidden City was its purely Chinese performances (Bloom 2002). Mary Mammon, thinking why it was very fashionable: “We were a novelty” (Bloom 2002, 72). Basically, the White patrons were attracted to the oddity of ‘Orientals’ mimicking American dance and song. Assuming that the Chinese-American entertainers were Chinese citizens, several people were amazed that they had the ability to sing in English (Bloom 2002). Faced with the greatly striking ‘Oriental’ image, numerous people reacted by intentionally bringing into play their cultural heritage to sell their performance. Calling himself ‘chop-suey’, part Puerto Rican, Portuguese, and Chinese, Tony Wing switched his name to an apparently Chinese-like one (Chun 2000, 67). Noel Toy showed her popular naked performance called ‘Bubble Dance,’ (Chun 2000, 67) realizing the number of people who would see it to gratify their interest about the supposed deformity of Asian female private parts. Being in the show business at times obliged the female performers to support the current symbol of the China doll, popularized by Anna Mae Wong in Hollywood (Ling 1998). Mary Mammon explained the way the Chinese-American performers conform to the expectations existing during that time: “In this particular case, being small was a good thing. They thought we were cute and so dainty… In other words, we were little Chinadolls” (Chinese Historical Society of America 1992, 137). In a similar vein, Jadin Wong admitted that she had no doubts about her decisions, explaining hence (Chun 2000, 68): “You’d do anything to get noticed. If you say, no, you’re lying.” Certainly, Wong and Mammon had very few options but to play the part already arranged for them, due to the fact that their cultural heritage was an unavoidable facet of their actions and identity. As shown by the performance analyses by White columnists, the Chinese American entertainers were never evaluated only by value. The columnists regularly referred to the Chinese facet (Chun 2000). When Li Sun and Jadin Wong performed in Rhode Island, they were given this fault-finding comment: “The dancing of Iadin Wong and Li Sun, though they are Chinese, doesn’t vary much from the customary floor-show routine” (Chun 2000, 68). Basically, according to Bloom (2002), White America viewed the Chinese-American entertainers as plain copiers of American art. For that reason, they were seen as possibly exquisite, petite, and amusing, but not as respectable artists. The entertainers viewed themselves in a different way. Toy Yat Mar, or referred to as ‘Chinese Sophie Tucker’, never welcomed the name because she did not witness herself copying anyone, yet she tolerated it for profitable purposes (Chun 2000, 68). As a self-made performer, she challenged the stereotypes placed on her to be demure and timid with a graceful voice. She was, in truth, was humorous, straightforward, and lively. As the documentary film Forbidden City, U.S.A. of Arthur Dong shows, these Chinese-American performers were artists who challenged the stereotypes placed on them by the Anglo-American and Chinese culture (Chun 2000, 68-69). They performed American art that is completely distinct with their Chinese heritage. They embody the modern Chinese-American subculture. Conclusions The artists of the Forbidden City contributed to the broadening of the array of career prospects for Chinese Americans. Similarly, other second-generation Chinese Americas, with the advantage of education, led the way by becoming interpreters, scholars, and artists of Chinese America. Similar to what Shaheen (1988) had argued about Arabs in America, the scholars and performers proved to the dominant American culture that Chinese Americans were unquestionably more liberal than that of earlier years. Because of cultural pluralism’s modern racial philosophy, and the wartime nationalism that had a tendency to weaken cultural and ethnic hindrances, a number of Chinese Americans, inspired by the modern, somewhat pleasant representation of the Chinese, paraded and stood out. Works Cited Bloom, Barbara Lee. The Chinese Americans. New York: Lucent Books, 2002. Print. Chinese Historical Society of America. Chinese America: history and perspectives. Chinese Historical Society of America, 1992. Print. Chun, Gloria. Of Orphans and Warriors: Inventing Chinese American Culture and Identity. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2000. Print. Ling, Huping. Surviving on the Gold Mountain: A History of Chinese American Women and their Lives. New York: State University New York Press, 1998. Print. Shaheen, Jack. “The Media Image’s of Arabs” Newsweek (1988): 1. Print. Read More
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