What Significance Does the Notion Class Identity - Essay Example

Introduction There is no doubt that modern understanding of lifestyle substantially differs from the ical one. In the late twenties century the life-style gets some additional meanings and is characterised by individuality, self-expression, destruction of strict rules and occurrence of variety of opportunities for a choice of models of behaviour in the social environment. Though the idea a modern class and class identity has not been cancelled, deleted, or superseded on periphery of the sociological analysis, it definitely has been reformulated and critically reinterpreted in the contemporary changed sociocultural environment. The concept of class is used in sociology in several senses: 1. For the designation of social strata, which component the special "open" system of social stratification, characteristic for an industrial society. The main characteristics of such system, unlike the "close" caste and estate systems of stratification are the status is mostly obtained; the presence of the "open" social borders; the high level of social mobility. 2. As the most general term in theories of social stratification for a designation of a certain position in the system of hierarchical differences (lower class, middle class, and upper class). 3. As the theoretical (analytical) concept underlying in the basis of class theories of society. In classical and modern sociology there are two most influential class theories - the theory of Marx and the theory of Weber. In Marxism the class is used as the most general concept describing the place of individuals and social groups in society system, first of all in the system of social production. As the basic criterion of allocation of classes this theory considers property of production means. All class systems are characterized by the presence of two basic classes - exploiter class and exploited class. The relations between these classes are of antagonistic character. Class struggle is considered as a determinative power of social changes. The basic classes of a capitalist society are the bourgeoisie and proletariat. Marx distinguished the terms 'class in itself' as a class, which members yet have not realized their common class interests, and 'class for itself' as a class, which has already developed its class consciousness. Thus, in Marxism classes are not simply descriptive concepts, but real social communities and real social forces, capable to change a society. The Marxist tradition of the class analysis even now remains one of the most influential. The theory of a class developed by Weber is alternative to Marxism. Weber considered classes as the social groups allocated in the economic hierarchical structure, i.e. as well as Marx Weber considers classes as "economic classes". However the attitude to the property in Weber's concept becomes private criterion. The leading role is allocated to distinctions in market positions. The belonging to a class predetermines the different chances in a commodity market and a labour market. According to Weber, a class is the category of people dividing similar opportunities of life, first of all prospects of social mobility, an opportunity of promotion for higher statuses. One of the bases of a market position is the capital; another one is qualification and education. Weber "recognizes four classes (Hamilton, 1991, p. 126): 1. The working classes; 2. The petty bourgeoisie; 3. The intelligentsia, as far as its members do not own substantial property, as well as highly qualified specialists and white-collar workers and 4. The class of property owners, including those groups privileged by higher education". According to Weber, the class conflict can arise between any of these groups, and not just between workers and capitalists. Besides economic forces Weber also marked out other factors leading to social inequality. In particular as the major factors he marked authority and prestige. Therefore besides economic classes and class structure there may existence other hierarchical structures (political, soci0-cultural, etc.) and the social groups in a society allocated in these hierarchical structures. Let us consider what significance does the notion 'class identity' have in the late twentieth century Class identity in the late twentieth century. In the late twentieth century in sociology we observe a tendency to reassessment of the central value of class identity. Classes and class type of social stratification are considered as having the limited historical value only in a modern industrial society, first of all capitalist, where division into classes makes the main basis of the social organization and the central source of dynamics of a society. In a post-industrial society, often defined as "post-class" society, it emphasized that classes cease to define characteristic type of its social stratification, and that the high level of social mobility reduces the influence of a class identity on individual career. By the end of the twentieth century in the class analysis of modern societies it appeared the complex of serious problems, which has appeared to be concentrated on two aspects: the aspect of essential social changes of societies of the late present and the aspect of reflecting them modern debate in the sociological theory. Various sociological researches have fixed the falling of objective identification with the social class placed in the system of production relations, and the change of subjective class identity. As the major gnoseological question of modern sociological knowledge have raised the question of correctness of using the concept of 'class' and accordingly the concept of 'class identity' in the analysis of processes of social changes of modern societies and shown social inequalities. Beck (1992) and later on other theorists of post-modernism, have declared that the theories of the class analysis reflected the empirical reality of a modern society, cease to play its useful role in understanding of nowadays existing societies. In the magazine of the international sociological association 'International Sociology' (1991) have been published the most important approaches in debate under the class analysis, focused on a problem validity of class. In the context of debate the American sociologists Clark and Lipset (1991) have made the provocative statement that the class is an old-fashioned concept though at times it corresponds to the earlier historical periods. They have assumed that the class analysis can be pertinent only in historical prospect as the social hierarchy is decreasing, and economic and family hierarchies become nowadays considerably less determined, than several generations ago (Clark and Lipset,1991). The authors prove that the achievement of material standards of a life weakens hierarchy and collectivism, and at the same time raises individualism. In a similar way an economic growth conducts to weakening in class relations. Family and interpersonal relations have become more equal in a society of the late twenties century, gender roles have become more flexible, and the tolerance in relation to behavior of "others" has risen. Thus, the family has lost its influence on the definition of educational and professional stratification, and social mobility has essentially grown. Besides the class basis of political behavior has become essentially less expressed than earlier. Continuing this direction in discussion, Pakulski and Waters (1996) within the limits of the theory of post-modernization argue the thesis about "the death of class" as decline of value of class relations and identity in the face of social fragmentation, individualization and consumerism. Other American researchers prove that classes remain relevant to postindustrial societies (Hout, Brooks, & Manza, 1993). They approve that the social hierarchy and class relations represent two various sociological concepts, which have been mixed by Clark and Lipset. Class identity continues to determine economic roles in the labor market, as well as material interests, and vital chances. British sociologist Bradley (1999), making comments on the work of Y. Pakulski and Waters emphasizes the provocative and irritating character of their statement as numerous empirical data prove the adequacy of the concept of class to many aspects of social inequalities and political identities. According to Marshall & Rose (1993, p. 147) classes are viewed largely as occupational, income or status groupings, or as categories having a specific relationship to the market or to production; people are born into these though to a lesser extent classes can also reflect meritocratic or material standing; and the class structure itself remains an obvious feature of life in late twentieth-century Britain. However despite of appeals of some theorists to finish with classes, both class and class identity continue to exist and develop. In the beginning of 60 years twenties century the term 'underclass' has been developed. American sociologist Oscar Levis use it for a designation of representatives of 'the culture of poverty', i.e. those, who from generation to generation remains unemployed. Underclass entirely depends on the help of the state. The low educational level does not allow these people to hope for improvement of their destiny. Nowadays underclass exists in the USA, in England and other European countries. By present time the solid scientific material allowing to speak about underclass as a specific social and cultural phenomenon is collected . This concept has wide interpretation, to which contain both traditional poor and marginal stratum (poor, homeless, alcoholics, addicts, insane persons, criminal elements), and occupied in shadow economics. Conclusion In the contemporary sociology there are some tendencies in understanding of the class identity. The first one is a the tendency of transition from economic criterion of process of class formation to non economic one. This tendency increases the denotation of class and does its more multivariate. Such approach bears in itself simultaneously risk and advantage in research of social structure as borders between class and strata become difficultly observable. It is fraught with the threat of danger of mixture of both types of social groups. At the same time the multivariate approach aims at search of these borders during the concrete studying a social structure, not enclosing the research of its objects in artificial frameworks of abstract definitions. The economic criterion is not deactualized, but is incorporated in wider theoretic-methodological concept. The most different forms of the capital (not only economic, but also intellectual, cultural-information, social, symbolical) are appeared to be those social fields within the limits of which the processes of class differentiation exist. The orientation to non-economic criteria of class formation is accompanied with the transition from substantial-structural model of class to symbolical. The concept of symbolization of class relations reflects the change of the class structure of the industrial epoch by the class structure of post-industrial society. The reality of class identity in symbolical model does not disappear, it just becomes dispersive, less obvious and empirically fixed. Thus the question of vital importance of present sociology is not to recognize or reject the existence of classes, but to understand how to interpret it in accordance with the reality of contemporary society. In modern sociology there is a tendency to reassessment of the central value of classes. Classes and class type of social stratification are considered as having the limited historical value. Only in a modern industrial society, first of all capitalist, the division into classes makes the main basis of the social organization and the central source of society dynamics. A post-industrial society is often defined as "post-class", emphasizing that classes cease to define characteristic for it type of social stratification, and the high level of social mobility reduces the influence of a class identity on an individual career. However despite of appeals of some theorists to put an end to classes, both versions of the class analysis continue to exist and develop. We may agree with Marshall & Rose (1993) who state "just as the structural processes associated with class have persisted into the late twentieth century, in the face of sustained attempts at egalitarian reform by successive governments in post-war Britain, so too have the ideological differences associated with a class-based culture. Despite educational reform, the welfare state, and the growth of mass consumption, Britain is still, structurally and culturally, a class rather than a 'post-class' society". References: Beck, U. (1992) Risk Society. Towards a New Modernity. Sage Publications. Bradley H. (1999). 'Jan Pakulski and Malcolm Waters, "The Death of Class". Book Reviews'. Sociology. The Journal of BSA. Vol. 33, 1. - . 164-165. Clark, T.& Lipset, S. (1991). 'Are Social Classes Dying'. International Sociology. 1991, 6. - P. 397-410, 397. Hamilton, P. (1991) Max Weber, Routledge(UK). Hout, M., Brooks, . & Manza, J. (1993). 'The Persistence of Classes in Post-Industrial Societies'. International Sociology. 8. - P.259-277. Marshall, G. & Rose,D. (1993) Social Class in Modern Britain, Routledge. Pakulski, J. & Waters, M. (1996). The Death of Class. London. Sage Publications. - P. 173. Read More