Race Riots From a Sociological Perspective - Essay Example

"RACE RIOTS FROM A SOCIOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVE" Race riots are defined closely to the meaning of riots such as the involvement of assault on persons and properties just because they are part of a specific subgroup or community, ethnicity, race, and even religion. Riots in the early 20th century are focused on a race-based concept that includes blacks vs. whites. Researches during the post Civil Rights era often use the term ethnicity in its discussion of the characteristics of causes and components of race riots, offering an avenue for a more complex picture that involves Latinos, Asians, Arabs, and other groups that did not belong into the black/white clash that has previously dominated talks of race relations in the US. In 1992 the largest outbreak of racial violence happened in Los Angeles. It bore the name Los Angeles Uprising where it was recorded to be the worst riot in the history of the United States and most violent since the riots of the 60s. 50 to 60 people died, over 2000 were injured, and 8000 were arrested after what seem to be four days of rioting in South Central Los Angeles and Koreatown neighborhoods. Casualties were not only deaths and injuries but also damaged properties estimated to cost more than $800 million. (L.A. Times, 1992) The various groups that participated in the riot are Latinos comprising 51% of those arrested, 38% were black, 9% were Anglo, and 2% were American-Asian or "others". During the time of the riots, 60.4% Black (48.4% non-Hispanic Black), 43% Hispanic, 4% Non-Hispanic White and 2% Asian comprised the South Central neighborhood. Also, only 38% of the population had earnings at least twice the poverty level. (The University of Southern California City in Stress Archives and Analysis) Although it was analyzed that such sudden occurrence of racial strife may have been caused by certain economic conditions in "ghettos" and racial inequality but social science researches present different findings since the turn of the century has constantly fell short to secure evidence that economic factors like segregation, unemployment, and poverty are such primary causes. The extensive work of Spilerman uses data on riots that transpired from 1961 to 1968 and is among the most referred to on riots. (Spilerman, 1971) One such instance is his examination on black unemployment, median income, and educational attainment to where he was able to conclude that neither absolute nor relative means of black deprivation differentiates between riot and non-riot cities. (Spilerman, 1971) It is important however to examine the applicability of data from the riots of the past to present situations. Assumptions cannot be made that the same causes of riots before have remained the same over time. A significant predicator in 1968 may not be a precise predicator today. Some academics theorize that the size of a certain ethnic population for instance, black, is significant because it indicates greater potential for racial competition. These theories characterize racial unrest in cities with larger black populations to the added pressures between blacks and whites for jobs, housing, and political capital. (Olzak, 1992) This may explain why there are fewer disparities between blacks and whites in cities with riots as it may instigate that blacks in these places are almost able to compete with whites for resources. According to this ethnic competition theory, segregation should decrease the propensity to riot since groups occupying non-overlapping positions experiences less competition. (Barth, 1969 from Olzak, 1992) Desegregation sets off an increase in competition, which triggers the majority to look after their advantage. And the impact of immigration on race relations in a given society is felt before integration fosters economic competition, selecting instead to focus on the viewed change in ethnic composition of the neighborhood. Evidence has revealed that non-economic theories of rioting seem to more accurately address the significance of perception and group, or community, awareness in the consideration of the fundamental causes of riots. There is evidence that non-economic conditions play into an individual's choice to riot or, possibly, that the non-monetary consequences of socioeconomic status play a role. Both older and recent studies and researches support the importance of more theoretical concepts like characteristics and group consciousness as an important part of instigating riot behavior. (Ransford & Abudu,) Abudu further presents insights into how these factors play into an individual's choice to join a riot, stating "[t]he concentration of ghettoized blacks in certain census tracts creates a community consciousness and mass base from which, even in the absence of the incentive for quick, material gain, personally risky and outwardly hostile communications of violence can comfortably spring, and calls upon us to view the black ghetto as an emerging social movement." (Abudu,) Moreover, if we expand the benefits of rioting to some benefits such as political rights or equality, then the benefits do not instantly decrease for each marginal riot participant. The calculation becomes complex because we cannot fully know the value an individual will pose on something like equal political representation. What price will an individual consider "worth it" to risk joining riots Particularly, if a person is determined that other avenues for gaining such rights or assets are closed to them, then rioting becomes worth it. On the other hand, an individual might join the riot based on the idea of injustice or inequality although both do not really exist. Therefore, though a person may stand still to gain from rioting on a personal level, that person might be motivated to riot by the discernment of injustice. Although it is quite hard to quantify; but we can say that perception matters. Concurrently to asking about riots, we also need to ponder on the complementary question of the elements that cause peace. The behavior shown in the Los Angeles riot is not typical. Surprisingly enough, some ethnically diverse places do not have riots. Writer Ashutosh Varshney concludes that it is the relationship between the different ethnic groups in civil society that hinders violence. He further states that "though not anticipated when the project began, the pre-existing local networks of civic engagement between the two communities stand out as the single most important proximate cause. Where such networks of engagement exist, tensions and conflicts were regulated and managed; where there are missing, communal identities led to endemic and ghastly violence." (Varshney, 2002) As more communities diversify, it becomes more important to understand the intricate dynamics of inter-ethnic relationships in the hopes of developing policy approaches that can both eliminate the likelihood of violence and develop the potential for peaceful coexistence. By focusing our attention to both what causes and averts riots, there will more likely be some realization of a complete model on which to become a basis for developing successful programs of intervention and prevention. References: (1) "Charting the Hours of Chaos". LA Times, (Los Angeles Dire Department Historical Archive, 1992) http://www.lafire.com/famous_fires/920429_LA-Riots/LATimes-2002-0429-0501/2002-0429_latimes_ChartingTheHoursofChaos.html. (2) Jennifer L. Borum, "The L.A. Riots: A Lesson in Disenfranchisement," GOAL IX: Newsletter of American Bar Association Commission on Racial and Ethnic Diversity in the Profession, 8, No. 2, (2002): p.1. (3) "Poverty Status of Population Residing in Area with Substantial Damage Resulting form Civil Unrest in Los Angeles Country" (The University of Southern California City in Stress Archives and Analysis) http://www.usc.edu/libraries/archives/cityinstress/analysis/graphics/aptable_06.jpg (accessed 22 April 2009). (4) Seymour Spilerman, "The Causes of Racial Disturbances: A Comparison of Alternative Explanations," American Sociological Review, 35 (1970a) 627-49.; Spilerman, S, "Comment on Wanderer's Article on Riot Severity and Its Correlates," American Journal of Sociology, 75 (1970b): 556-59.; Spilerman, S, "The Causes of Racial Disturbances: Test of an Explanation," American Sociological Review, 35 (1971): 427-42.; Spilerman, S, "Structural Characteristics and the Severity of Racial Disorders," American Sociological Review, 41, no. 5 (1976): 771-793. (5) S. Olzak and S. Shanahan, "Deprivation and Race Riots: An Extension of Spilerman's Analysis," Social Forces, 74, no. 3 (1996): 931-961. JSTOR database (22 April 2009). (6) Abudu et al.,"Black Ghetto Violence: A Case Study Inquiry into the Spatial Pattern of Four Los Angeles Riot Event-Types," Social Problems, 19, no 3 (1972): 408-426. JSTOR database (22 April 2009). See also Ransford, H.E, "Isolation, powerlessness, and violence: A study of attitudes and participation in the Watts riot," American Journal of Sociology, 73, no. 5 (1968): 581-591. (7) Varshey, A. Ethnic Conflict and Civil Life. New York: Yale University Press, 2002. Print. Read More