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The Life of Southeast Asian Immigrants in the United States - Assignment Example

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From the paper "The Life of Southeast Asian Immigrants in the United States" it is clear that anti-Asian sentiments shaped U.S. immigration laws and decisions by affecting quota rates and the content of these quotas, for instance, who are delimited and who are not…
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The Life of Southeast Asian Immigrants in the United States
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How and why did Korean immigration begin to the US? They faced varying degrees of hardship in adjusting to the strangeness of a new land and people. What were some of these hardships they experienced? Describe some of the things they did to ease their adjustment. Korean immigration began in the U.S. through the immigration to Hawaii (the first wave), followed by the arrival of Korean war brides to the U.S., war orphans, and students (the second wave), and finally, Korean immigration through the Immigration and Naturalization Act of 1965. During the first wave, Koreans immigrated to Hawaii because of national problems in Korea, specifically, famine, heavy taxes, epidemic of cholera, and government corruption. Some of the hardships they experienced as immigrants were poverty, racial discrimination, and social alienation. In order to adjust in Hawaii, these first-wave Korean immigrants resisted integration and assimilation through: 1) creating Korean language schools in 1945, 2) establishing churches and patriotic organizations, and 3) following a government-in-exile model. Second-wave Korean immigrants were mostly Korean War brides, orphans, and students who immigrated to the U.S. because of the Korean War. Several hardships that they experienced were: 1) for the Korean brides, culture shock, language and cultural differences, isolation, and alienation; 2) for the Korean orphans, some concerns for dual identity; and 3) alienation for Korean students. Korean brides coped through connecting with fellow Koreans when such friendships were accessible, and integrating and assimilating for the Korean orphans and students. Third-wave Korean immigrants went to the U.S. because they are searching for better economic and educational opportunities, since the Immigration and Naturalization Act of 1965 made it easier for them to immigrate too. Some of the problems they experienced were: 1) cultural and language differences, 2) changes in gender roles, 3) conflicts in norms and values, 4) attaining a healthy identity in a white mainstream culture, and 4) preserving local values, beliefs, and practices (121). To ease their adjustment, some of the things that the Koreans did were: 1) create ethnic communities where ethnic and language differences can be erased because of preservation of local values and language; 2) establish Christian churches that retain local norms and values; 3) preserve family and kinship ties by decreasing multiracial contacts; 4) participate in non-ethnic organizations; and 5) use hard work ethics in attaining success. 2. Southeast immigrants (Vietnamese, Laotians, Cambodians, etc) faced varying degrees of hardship in adjusting to the strangeness of a new land and people. What were some of these hardships they experienced? Describe some of the things they did to ease their adjustment. Southeast Asian immigrants to the U.S. left their countries because their values and lifestyles did not fit then emerging communist regimes and because of poor economic conditions in their countries due to war and other internal conflicts (157). For the Vietnamese who traveled through boats, some of their experiences were starvation, rape, robbery, and exploitation. Some of them experienced repeated pirates who stole everything, including food and important possessions. For the Laotians, they experienced economic, cultural, and status loss problems. These immigrants experienced cultural shocks and language difficulties. They were not at all prepared for the egalitarian and individualistic culture of the U.S. For Cambodians, they also experienced cultural, language, and economic problems in the U.S. In transit, these immigrant groups experienced diverse problems that seemed to have worsened when they began living in a foreign land. These immigrants coped with their issues in different ways. Older generations prepared for coming back to their home countries through working hard and saving money. They also maintained their cultural values and practices through creating ethnic communities. Younger generations acculturated and assimilated more than their parents. They studied and learned the culture and language, although with much difficulty because of conflicting values and norms. At school, they are taught to question authority and to practice equality, and yet at home, they are expected to obey the elders and to preserve hierarchical power relations. Some of these immigrants coped in the U.S. because they had families and kin to depend on too. These were the basis of their ethnic communities that helped them transition from having nothing to having something in the U.S. Some of these immigrants also relied on social welfare for their basic needs, such as the Hmongs. Reliance on social welfare results to problems with other minority groups, however, because of limited resources. 3. What is a refugee? What is the US’s policy towards refugees? They faced varying degrees of hardship in adjusting to the strangeness of a new land and people. What were some of these hardships they experienced? Describe some of the things they did to ease their adjustment. A refugee is a person who leaves his/her country for safety because of distressing times. Refugees are considered as special kinds of immigrants. As refugees, they have high levels of fear and crisis. Refugees are forced to leave their homes, while immigrants do not usually experience the same violent uprooting. Refugees are not prepared for drastic geographic, cultural, and language changes too. Before 1980, the U.S. had ad hoc policy toward refugees. In 1980, President Carter approved the Refugee Assistance Act. This act provided a clear policy for refugees where the annual admission rate is 50,000 with allowance for additional refugees. It accepted the principle of asylum and applied mechanisms for providing federal aid to refugees and for reimbursing states, local governments, and private voluntary agencies for their refugee-connected expenses. Refugees experienced different kinds of difficulties, depending on their origins of conflict and their level of skills, knowledge, and coping mechanisms. They mainly came from countries of poverty and war, so they come to the U.S. feeling anxious and fearful. Some of the common hardships they face in the U.S. are: 1) social alienation, 2) cultural shocks, 3) economic difficulties; and 4) problems with assimilation and acculturation because of lack of English language skills to begin with. The older refugees feel especially estranged because of status loss and inability to adopt new egalitarian cultural values and practices. Men feel alienated from the social structures, especially when their wives got jobs faster and paid higher or better than they are. In order to ease their problems, they formed ethnic communities, segregated against the mainstream, maintained strong family ties, worked low-end jobs, and adopted religious coping mechanisms. 4. How have anti-Asian sentiments shaped U.S. immigration laws and decisions? How does the dominant white racial frame shape relations between Asian Americans and other Americans? How have pan-Asian organizations and coalitions helped in resisting stereotypes and discrimination? What effects have anti-Asian stereotypes and discrimination had on Asian American economic and educational achievements? Anti-Asian sentiments shaped U.S. immigration laws and decisions by affecting quota rates and the content of these quotas, for instance, who are delimited and who are not. Whenever wars affect a certain race, they become targeted for discrimination in U.S. immigration laws and decisions, such as what happened to the Chinese and the Japanese before. Anti-Asian sentiments also affected U.S. immigration laws and decisions by affecting how American citizenship is defined. Furthermore, the dominant white racial frame shapes relations between Asian Americans and other Americans determining the meaning of American citizenship and identity. The dominant white racial frame can provide citizenship to immigrants, but not a valid American identity. The gap between citizenship and identity becomes clearer when Asian Americans feel prejudice and discrimination through stereotyping, limited access to higher education opportunities, and lack of upward socio-economic mobility due to barriers to other professions and within organizations. Pan-Asian organizations and coalitions helped in resisting stereotypes and discrimination through promoting inter-cultural interactions and fighting for ending discrimination in basic institutions of society, such as education and the workplace. These organizations also promote the heterogeneity of Asian American cultures through educating the mainstream of their individual and group differences. They also used the media for promoting healthy views about Asian Americans that detach them from racial stereotyping and generalizations. Anti-Asian stereotypes and discrimination have different effects on Asian American economic and educational achievements. On the one hand, stereotypes of Asian students who are bright in mathematics and stereotyped sports and abilities have led to the model minority as a self-fulfilling prophecy. This is good for those Asians who do have certain talents and abilities that fit the stereotype. On the other hand, other Asians are being boxed by the minority model stereotypes that undermine individual differences in personality and talents. Anti-Asian stereotypes and discrimination turn Asian Americans into caricatures with similar talents and dreams, when, in reality, they can be as different as any other race. As a result, these stereotypes and discrimination can reduce economic and educational achievements by reducing economic and educational opportunities. 5. How is "Asian American" defined and by whom? Are we referring to a new ethnicity with common traits, customs, and cultural characteristics; a political identity for mobilization purposes, or both? What do you think? How does the U.S. census "count" Asian Americans? Dominate white mainstream paradigm defines the Asian American by assigning characteristics that assert the latter as part of the other. The Asian American is defined by the government by blood relations and birth, but to be an Asian American is more complex than this. Some Asian Americans prefer to be seen more as an American than an Asian, and yet they may not always feel validation of their American identity through Asian stereotypes and discrimination that they feel in their lives. If Asian Americans will define themselves, they can result to different definitions because they are a heterogeneous group. Some of them would resist the need to find commonalities; others would prefer a new ethnicity with common traits, customs, and cultural characteristics. I believe that Asian Americans should have a political identity for mobilization and purposes of understanding, and not merely defining Asian Americans in any restricted terms. Instead, Asian Americans should understand who they are based on their differences and similarities, and not just on their similarities alone, and inform the rest of the mainstream society of their plurality. By political identity, I also call for greater political participation among Asian Americans, so that they can expand their economic and political resources and abilities. According to the U.S. Census Bureau, the Asian population category includes people who stated their race(s) as “Asian” or reported entries such as “Asian Indian,” “Chinese,” “Filipino,” “Korean,” “Japanese,” and “Vietnamese” or provided other inclusion of Asian responses. For me, this is a valid way of knowing who is an Asian American- by directly asking people and allowing them to determine their own identity. Read More
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