State of activism and social movements in Canada today - Essay Example

? of activism and social movements in Canada today Introduction Through the work of Herbert Marcuse, the one-dimensional manintroduces the working of traditional and contemporary societies, where the major aim of the ruling class and the system in general is not the welfare of the people. Marcuse proposes that politics, societies and social structures within the society, including education are fashioned to serve the interests of the elite, therefore can be used to explain the political, the social and other areas of problems within the society (Waldron, Navis & Fisher, 2013). This paper will explore the ideas of Herbert Marcuse’s one-dimensional man, and then apply it to study the state of activism and social movements within the modern-day Canadian society. Summary of the main ideas of one-dimensional thinking Herbert Marcuse’s work presents a wide-covering critique of the communist society system of the Soviet Union and the modern capitalism which is operational in many nations of the world. The work documents the parallel emergence of newer versions of social repression in the different reference societies, and also talks of the decline of the revolutionary prospects of the West (Luke, 2000). Marcuse presents the argument that the advanced industrial system offered artificial needs, which incorporated people into the current system of consumption and production, through the manipulative use of advertising, mass media, contemporary models of thought and industrial management (Luke, 2000). The resultant situation is a one-dimensional universe of behavior and thought, where ability and aptitude for oppositional behavior and critical thought are suppressed until they wear out. Contrary to the climate promoted by the work, Marcuse projects a platform for “great refusal”, which is the only oppositional model that can adequately oppose the all-covering control methods (Girgus, 1973). Throughout the work, the author defends negative thinking as the force that can be used to disrupt the positivism in operation. Marcuse evaluates the ways in which the industrial workers of the system have been integrated into the capitalistic system and the new models that are used to stabilize the capitalistic system (Girgus, 1973). The discussion leads to the questions over whether proposals of the Marxian school, about the unavoidable capitalistic crisis and the revolution of the proletarian class. Different from the orthodox Marxist school, Marcuse calls for non-integrated minority forces, radical intelligentsia and outsiders that attempt to nurture thoughts and behaviors of opposition through the cultivation of radical opposition and thinking (Luke, 2000). He explores bureaucratic tendencies in Marxist countries as freedom opposing like those found in the West, which is capitalistic. Exploration of the one-dimensional nature of Canadian affairs and politics Two decades ago – during the 1980s – different studies held the idea that the emerging social movements of that time would re-orient the political outlook and the processes in operation in Canada. One example was the coming into implementation of the “section 15 of the Canadian Charter of rights and Freedoms” in 1985, which led to the shift in the approaches employed by Canadian gay rights activists. The lesbian and gay activists of the time changed their outlook from those that were liberation-oriented to the use of litigious strategies of activism (Smith, 2007). The implementation of policies like the Section 15 of the Canadian charter were expected to change the political outlook of Canada, but little was changed, due to its emphasis on sameness, which inhibited major changes in the way the Canadian society and politics were run (Smith, 2007). The lack of change, irrespective of the major leaps in policy can demonstrate the situation that Herbert calls the new forms of control, the closure of the political universe and the closure of dialogues platforms (Hoffman, 1972). This is arguably the situation, because enacting a clause in support of those inclined to same sex rights was supposed to allow for necessary changes in the short and in the long term. The lack of change was evident during the years between 2005 and 2010, it was questionable whether the re-orientation of Canadian political systems had taken place, and whether the changes required to pave way for sustained engagement and change had taken place. The activism and the social movements of women over the issues of breast cancer and breast feeding fits into this context well, mainly because little has been done in the politics of Canada, to address the high levels of breast cancer incidence among women (CCS, 2010). Recent reports like those of 2010 show that at least one out of nine Canadian women develops breast cancer, and it is important to note that a majority of Canadian women get this information from the mass media of the neighbouring US, particularly among the women living close to the borders. The issue of breastfeeding also rises from the information that approximately 85 percent of all Canadian infants are breastfed, and most critically, only 17 percent meet the precondition of exclusive breastfeeding until they are six months old (Millar and McLean, 2005). The activism and the social movements of women about issues of breastfeeding and breast cancer demonstrate the inaction of the Canadian political system, in response to the issues facing women; the main tool used to keep these women silent is the suppression of information. In the attempt to bridge the information and the policy formulation gaps in the issues related to breast cancer and breast feeding, movements like La Leche League Leaders are taken through intensive training and educational programs, which equips them with the knowledge required to offer assistance and advisory to women on breast feeding, new styles of lactation, and issues related to breast cancer (International Lactation Consultant Association, 2010). The inaction of the government and the lack of policies in support of this critical area can be construed to demonstrate the new forms of suppression explored by Marcuse, which include the suppression of new information and education (Hoffman, 1972). The passage of two and a half decades down the line, since the enactment of the constitutional Act of 1982 section 35 on the rights of aboriginal Canadians, it is not clear whether there has been sustained engagement to aid the course of addressing the economic, social and the cultural problems that faced indigenous Canadians since its history. The ideas of Marcuse can be evidenced by the initial delays and unpreparedness to cover the rights of aboriginal people extensively, during the making and the review of the Canadian constitution, especially during the redrafting of the Act during the 1980s. The earlier drafts of the Act did not cover the recognition of the rights that are acknowledged and some of which are still being pushed for at the present – many of the freedoms, relationships and the rights have been imposed through the use of demonstrations and campaigns by the aboriginal groups of Canada (Staggenborg, 2010). The non-readiness of the government and policy makers to acknowledge the rights and the freedoms of indigenous Canadians is one form of the controls that Marcuse talks about; the non-readiness evidences the closure of the political universe and the closure of dialogue platforms from the indigenous groups (Luke, 2000). Marcuse’s ideas of new forms of control and the closure of the political platforms and channels of dialogue is evidenced by the social movements of the indigenous people’s groups branded the “Idle No More” group (Idle No More, 2013). Close to thirty years after the drafting and the enactment of the 1982 Act section 35, which guaranteed the rights and the freedoms of indigenous Canadians, the indigenous people of Canada take to different streets like Brunswick (Idle No More, 2013). The indigenous groups of Canada blockaded the demonstrated along Parliament Hill pushing for their collective rights and freedoms in the areas of resource use, particularly water and lands – they are contesting the rights against the contested control of the resources by the Houston-based, SWN Resources (Hoffman, 1972). Similar to the ideas presented by Marcuse through his work, the indigenous Canadian groups among other groups are protesting that their sovereignty is not guaranteed, and they go ahead to equate the current system with the colonial system, whose system of control was forceful and explicit (Luke, 2000). The arguments of the social movement of the indigenous groups of Canada include that the government and major corporations are supporting one another in perpetuating environmental genocide and corporate greed, which Marcuse cites as the control of the political system by major economic players (Idle No More, 2013). The themes of the social movements can clearly depict the difference between the mechanisms of control used by earlier systems, including the colonial system, and the new models of control. The new forms of control are primarily grounded on the one-dimensional thought outlook, where protest is proven not to work, because the same powers controlling the domination of the masses are the same ones running the economy (Waldron, Navis & Fisher, 2013). For example, unlike the traditional forms of control, where the colonial government employed force to direct the lives of the people, the new forms of control work through corporate greed and political structures to keep the Canadian people slaves of the system (Idle No More, 2013). The questions regarding the political changes that may have taken place in the political system of Canada can be filtered through the ideas of Marcuse on the closure of platforms of discourse between the masses and the government. Through exploring the lack of discourse between the people of Canada and the Canadian political system, the factors stopping real change in the world can be evidenced, which are similar if not the same in other parts of the world (Smith, 2007). The case of social action staged by Idle No More and the thousands of youths engaging in Powershift BC – which is a major climate conference in Canada – demonstrates the closure of channels of discourse by the political system and the elite group (Idle No More, 2013). The two groups stood against Christy Clark and her administration’s continuing attempts to allow oil tanker ports and tar sands pipelines to be driven across the ecologically sensitive area; the move was universally not supported by the citizens of the British Columbia and first nations. However, through the liberated thoughts of the Canadian social movement group, the issue was brought to the attention of the world, and many political systems supported the fights by the Canadian group (Idle No More, 2013). The particular case demonstrates the concept of a defeated logic of protest, and in return demonstrates the powerful impact that yields from the collective sharing of information and the collective communication of the activist group and citizens (Luke, 2000). The factors that can be attributed to the lack of change in the Canadian society over the years include the one-dimensional outlook of the society, where the suppression of individuality plays a major role in ensuring that social systems are mechanized to a large extent (Luke, 2000). Secondly, the Canadian society evidences the concentration of enterprise power in more productive and effective corporations and groups operating at a larger scale, and which suppress the change and the advancement of the individual groups (Staggenborg, 2010). Thirdly, the Canadian social and political system appears to employ the control of competition among the subjects within the system, which are equipped and allowed access to resources and opportunities in different levels (Luke, 2000). The working of the Canadian society evidences the curtailment of national independence and sovereignty, which blocks the way for the organization of resources internationally. The lack of the anticipated changes in the Canadian political outlook could imply that the political system is closed, where the national economy revolves around the interests of major corporations, and the government works as a controlling mechanism (Luke, 2000). One example is that of the strategic support between Christy Clark’s government and the corporations planning the development of tanker ports and tar sands pipelines across the area (Idle No More, 2013). The lack of change over the two and half decades could also imply that the political system does not offer the platforms for discourse with the groups engaging in social movements and activism. For example, in the case that the Christy Clark’s administration had allowed for open dialogue with the citizens of the British and Canada in general, the development-related conflict would not have escalated to the levels of warranting a social movement (Girgus, 1973). More importantly, the lack of change over the many years can signify that the political and the social system of the Canadian society is stopping the possibility of change through employing adaptive mechanisms designed to renew the oppression of the many (Staggenborg, 2010). Conclusion The ideas of Herbert Marcuse introduce traditional and modern societies as those characterized by centralized control, which capitalizes on the domination of the masses and their role in society. From the evaluation of the Canadian social and political affairs, Marcuse’s ideas evidence the manipulative role of the Canadian government and the role of corporations in perpetuating the manipulation of the masses. Examples of social movements that demonstrate the changing mechanisms of manipulation and control include the activism of breast feeding and breast cancer among women, the revolt against the building of tar sand pipelines and the continued fight for the rights of indigenous people. The factors leading to the problems of perpetual domination and the lack of change in the Canadian society include the supportive role of the government, the suppression of information exchange and the perpetual of new forms of control. Reference List Canadian Cancer Society. (2010). Breast Cancer Statistics. Canadian Cancer Society. Retrieved from: http://www.cancer.ca/Canada- wide/About%20cancer/Cancer%20statistics/Stats%20at%20a%20glance/Breast%20ca ncer.aspx?sc_lang=en Girgus, S. B. (1973). Howells and Marcuse: A forecast of the one-dimensional age. American Quarterly, 25(108). Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/2711559 Hoffman, R. (1972). Marcuse’s one-dimensional vision. Philosophy of the Social Sciences, 2(1), 43-59. Idle No More. (2013). Idle No More Global Day of Action October 7 2013. Canadian Progressive World. Retrieved from http://www.canadianprogressiveworld.com/activism/#.Up1tpieFbFw International Lactation Consultant Association. (2010). International Lactation Consultants Association. Retrieved from http://www.ilca.org/i4a/pages/index.cfm?pageid=1 Luke, T. W. (2000). One-dimensional man: A systematic critique of human domination and nature-society relations. Organization And Environment, 13(1), 95-101. Millar, W., & Maclean, H. (2010). Breastfeeding Practices. Health Reports, 16(2). March. Produced by Statistics Canada. Smith, M. (Ed). (2007). Group Politics and Social Movements in Canada (2nd Revised Edition). Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Staggenborg, S. (2010). Social Movements. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Waldron, T. L., Navis, C., & Fisher, G. (2013). Explaining differences in firms' responses to activism. Academy Of Management Review, 38(3), 397-417. Read More