Racism in Cuba as an Unresolved Issue - Essay Example

? Paper Since the Cuban revolution began in 1959, for the first time their citizens from all ethnic and racial backgrounds including politicians like Raul Castro, are speaking out decisively on the problem of racism on the island. No longer discarded as a possible threat to national unity, Cubans both in and outside the government are drawing attention to this ongoing issue, and discussing possible ways of dealing with it. The Cuban revolutionary administration had gone on board on the commitment of getting rid of decades of racial discrimination dating beginning the forthcoming of the Spanish in 1492, while the individual native of the island were killed, and the job slavery of the blacks was introduced. In order to attain complete endorsement of the progress, which have so far been realized in struggling with racial discrimination in radical Cuba, it is crucial to enclose a brief rundown of race relations’ with the past in Cuba. The foremost historical periods in Cuban revolution are the eras of the republic in 1901-1959, the colonial phase as well as the era after the 1959 revolution (Roberto, 1998). Racism is an expression which gives reason for the social application of racial cruelty and institutionalized inequity based on racial cataloging. The incursion of America was essential for capitalism’s development in Europe. It was indispensable for the colonialist after the assault to build up racist intolerance to justify the supremacy of the native people and the black slave trade’s development. After the triumph of the uprising, racist supremacy has been meticulously conquered. The uprising of Cuban society laid the financially viable and social fundamentals for the triumphant riddance of racial discrimination, but with the boost of financially viable interventions by the U.S, even the achieved gains encounter pressure (Roberto, 1998). The Cuban times are gone in olden times of socio-economic chauvinism against the gigantic preponderance of the inhabitants. This intolerance was based on class and race. This led to more than a few scholars defining the era before the uprising as that of a color and class structure. The post-revolutionary administration, hence, fittingly realized that in order to prevail over racism, it is requisite to surmount the class society itself. The colonial period One of the difficult things when discussing the issues of competition politics in the Cuban revolution is discovering the precise statistics on who defines himself or herself as black. The 1956 Cuban census indicated that the population of the Negroes was on the decrease from 1827 to 1953. However, several other studies imply that the mulattos or blacks’ percentage is closer to 40-45% of the entire population in the period of post-revolution. In mid 1800, it was the phase of revolutionary battles. Several of these battles started raising the matter of race. This was also the point in time of massacres of the residents of the black people (Roberto, 1998). Jose Marti, one of the Cuban revolutionary heroes, was among the most forceful and forthright campaigners for the blacks liberation. The nine-year war, which erupted in 1869, was introduced by Carlos de Cespedes’ stride of releasing his slaves, thus paving the way for a better-quality political task for blacks (Hughes, 2011). The battles led by Marti and other folks piloted to the suppression of slavery in 1884. The early 1880s also led to a boost of blacks being caught up in the fight back for independence, for the most part the wars of independence in 1895 to 1898 (Roberto, 1998). The Republic The Constitution of 1901 forcefully imposed biased practices, which mostly hit the blacks in the hardest way voting exercise, was limited to only males of over 21 years, and who had both writing and reading skills. It was also controlled by the males who possessed property valued at 250 pesos or greater, or could demonstrate that they fought in the freedom militia. In response to such acts, the Black Voters Association was formed in 1907, after having tainted its name to the Party of Color. Some core areas of the Association’s platform stated that freedom is not begged or asked for, but it is purely won. It also acknowledged that civil liberties are not given out anywhere, but they are fought for and that they fit into all (Roberto, 1998). In 1910, the administration attempted to confine black political involvement by introducing a rule which banned the establishment of political get-together on race structure. This interdict led to the contest war of 1913 that saw genocide of black people by the military. As the century revolved, an organized form of racial supremacy was positively in place in more than a few parts of the Cuban society. This also incorporated the formation of restricted social bars, discos, restaurants and movie theatres (Roberto, 1998). In Cuban provincial capitals and towns, isolation was strictly obligatory in proper social life as well as in the structures of informal association. Private schools were primarily, although not entirely, white. Elite schools adopted racial prejudice, but it was barely essential because only few blacks could manage to pay for the high tuition fees and other expenses. Inequity of race was also witnessed in work-related areas with blacks inhabiting the superior part of the less skilled and lower paid jobs in the society. The administration went further to initiate a procedure of reclassification of more than a few mulattos as white in the upshot of trying to swab away Cuba’s black history (Hughes, 2011). The revolutionary period The revolution victory provided the chance for essential change in how the blacks were treated. It also provided the opportunity for fundamental change of the means in which the dark culture was viewed within the Cuban revolution. The redistributive actions, for example, land reforms endorsed by the administration, have profited the black people as the most exploited sector of the Cuban culture in the pre-revolutionary scheme (Roberto, 1998). In 1959, Castro mentioned the importance of beginning the fight back against racial discrimination. He stressed that Cubans should tackle this issue fundamentally and with love. He also acknowledged that people should fight the battle to end discrimination on cultural centers and racial discrimination in jobs. Castro denounced racial prejudice as “anti-nation” (Roberto, 1998). From the set-off of the revolution, it was apparent that the new revolution power would see the issue of race more from the class perception than merely on racial foundation. From the beginning, the uprising commenced diverse assenting action programs, which assisted the most underprivileged division of the population, together with Afro-Cubans and women. The Cuban revolution has constantly prioritized socio-economic changes. It abolished the education system and private health care that discriminated economically against the black people (Hughes, 2011). The current situation Today, the biggest challenge in the society of Cuba is getting the citizens to understand that there exists a race problem. It is a problem of perception and communication, which requires open discussion. The government is supposed to lead the discussions to each block. It is made more difficult by the reality that it has become the significant question in the Cuban-U.S associations. However, the revolution of Cuba must be strong to succeed (Lambert, 2011). In respect of a cultural and political intensity, the Cuban uprising has opened a number of doors for larger Afro-Cuban recognition and involvement. In 1976, Fidel Castro was the first white head of the Cuban state to identify the mulatto culture of Cuba and nationhood, where he stated in a speech that they were all Latin-African people (Hughes, 2011). Some writers such as Casal state that the Cuban culture that has been gradually evolving throughout many centuries is definitely Afro-Hispanic. However, tireless efforts of the white dominant class and its resistance, the elements of the black culture are included into Cuban popular lore, Cuban music, Cuban poetry and art. In such fashion, without the components of the black heritage, they would not have been what they are, i.e., they would not have been Cuban. A superior recognition was given to the culture of Afro-Cuban with the decision of 1991 to permit religious followers into the Communist Party of Cuban. This transformation mainly affected the Afro-Cubans and additionally opened the door to political involvement in the course of being nominated for party association (Roberto, 1998). Housing Before 1959, the black people tend to give attention to the most decrepit sides of Havana. Nevertheless, the revolution instantly reduced rents by almost 50 percent and ultimately, ownership was approved for tenants. Therefore, more black people in Cuba now own their private houses than any country in the whole world (Roberto, 1998). The main indicator of the level of individual awareness of racial matter is that of interracial unions. 39 years of uprising have at last produced structural transformations, which have positioned the young citizens in daily contact with other natives from different races. However, housing structures as well as family ties keep determining the types of inter-racial relations they form. Nadine Fernandez, an anthropology candidate at California University, spent almost two years in Cuba in 1992-1993 getting together information on the issue. She wrote that grandparents built their own families and lives through the revolution, integrating into a lesser or greater extent of the revolutionary’ struggle for class, race and sexual equality. Frequently, grandparents and parents find themselves having clashing views on these issues (Roberto, 1998). Fernandez’s study discovered that there was an intensity of discrimination amid the older age group especially when it came to interracial unions. This was particularly between the black men and white women. Nonetheless, the number of interracial marriages in Cuba varies geographically. Some of the structural changes, which the revolution has embarked on in the economic and social sectors, have essentially tainted the social and economic disparities which had plagued the society of Cuba during the centuries of colonialism, neocolonialism and slavery (Roberto, 1998). Remedial Action The only way to solve racial discrimination is through the severe monitoring of equal opportunities for jobs, particularly in the latest economy such as tourism and joint-venture companies which involves foreign capital in intensive cultural work as well as education. People should not be educated for any particular color. The current situation is that students are normally educated; thinking that it is well again to be white and it is a shortcoming to be black (Lambert, 2011). Cuba has to solve problems of Euro-centrism in their education. The aim is to get deeper into the teachings of Asia, Middle East and African history, and also the racial representativeness of their bibliography. Discussions about racial discrimination should be taken to schools, so that once an individual hears a racist epithet, she or he will be in a situation to defend him/her against it (Lambert, 2011). It is necessary to recognize the inequalities which exist in the Cuban society, though, have thrashed about to unravel them to a point of verging on social equality. They are viewed as an inheritance as well as an occurrence that can be reproduced out of their social model, which should be improved. By understanding these differences in depth and fully working on them, Cuban society will be able to arrive at true equality (Elizabeth, 2011). In conclusion, the Cuban uprising has opened the space to an increasing stage of racial incorporation in all sectors of economic and social life since 1959. However, racial discrimination has not entirely disappeared in the Cuban society. It is still present especially in the division of the bigger generation, but such issues do not receive considerable interest. The revolution of Cuba evidently shows the example that racial prejudice can be undermined and fought tirelessly only through essential changes in both the economic and political programs of the culture along cultural lines. Whites came to Cuba of their own determination as settlers with ambitions of life that were frequently realized. The black people were brought to Cuba by force that later turned into slaves. These are diverse points of departure which cannot be avoided nor forgotten and their effect is still felt today. References Elizabeth, N. H. (2011). Questions of racial identity: The racism and anti-racist in Cuba today. Washington, DC: Bucknell University Press. Hughes, M., & Kroehler, C. J. (2011). Sociology: The core. New York: McGraw-Hill. Lambert, M. S. (2011). Racism in Cuba. VDM Verlag: Dr. Mueller Publishers. Morris, A. E. (2011). Afro-Cuban identity in post-revolutionary novel and film: Inclusion, loss, and cultural resistance. Lanham, Md: Bucknell University Press. Roberto, J. (1998). Cuba’s struggle against racism. California: Green Left Weekly. Read More