Politics as a Major Force in Determining Development of a Country - Essay Example

? Role of Politics in the growth and development of Vietnam and bangladesh Growth and Development of Vietnam and Bangladesh Introduction: Politics has largely influenced the process of growth and development of almost all the developing countries. Usually, the cause of political dysfunction is the lack of professionalism in the political market (Roy, 2005). In order for a state to run smoothly, politics must synchronize with the economy. Sustained policies take a number of votes from the apprehensive individuals who rule the state (Nithiyanandam, 2000). This paper will attempt to study two cases, one of Vietnam and the other of Bangladesh in the light of their political growth leading to the internal developments. The case of Vietnam will be explored first. A deeper look into its achievements and policies along with structural changes and challenges faced by the small country will aid in understanding the purpose behind this study. Same will be done for Bangladesh and later a comparison will be drawn between the two countries of how each managed to survive a downfall in the face of political, social and natural catastrophe. The Case of Vietnam: Vietnam traces its existence since the Paleolithic times. The original civilization was founded by archaeologists to have been present before 1400 BC. Vietnam remained an independent state until the colonization by the French in the 19th century (Popkin, 1979). During the World War, France had to depart the colony and the Japanese took over the region whereby extracting all the natural resources which caused increased rate of death and famine. Vietnam saw a great loss in its economy. The communist regime suffered the post-war humanitarian crisis as millions of people fled the country on cheap boats and Vietnam had to turn to Soviet Union for help (Gainsborough, 2002). With a passage of time, the country underwent several experiments to improve the economic structure. Being a small country, Vietnam started to climb the ladder to success faster than it was expected. Many investors came rushing to open up new businesses (Pierre, 2000). The decline in the economy which lasted three years after the “American war” made most of the businessmen abandon their hopes. They stranded the tall structures they had built and left the country. Within ten years of independence, the “Northernization” campaign forced over 400, 000 people into ideological brainwashing. Speech and religious practice became slaves to the communist South. In the present day, the national economy is mainly run by the industrial parks that are situated at the border of Ho Chi Minh City, along with Mekong delta’s rice paddy fields. This is basically the “Southernization” of the North (Pierre, 2000). Compared to the other Asian countries, Vietnam has a very low donation of land per capita and per agricultural worker. It is through systematic reform that Vietnam has flourished in the agricultural sector. This was probably due to an authorization of a contract between individual households and the cooperatives that had a well maintained structure. State no longer had the right to purchase at low price and the rural economy received incentives. The non-farm private business was no longer restricted and peasants were allowed to sell “marketable surplus” to the private trader. The land rent eventually became moderate (Griffin, 1998). Vietnam, however, managed to achieve growth and reduce poverty through its Foreign Policies. After 1989, the economic reforms introduced to Vietnam proved to be thriving. As compared to countries like Poland and 26 others, Vietnam was performing better. Despite being one of the poorest countries of the world, it rapidly achieved growth comparing its rates with Malaysia, Indonesia, Thailand and the neighbouring countries. After several occupations and loss of trillions of citizens, Vietnam had become independent in 1975. Since then their purpose was to unify the economies of the south and north to redirect it for the purpose of developing the country. In the current phase of economic reform, Vietnam experienced an increase of Gross domestic product (GDP) by 7.6 % each year. Even China was simultaneously booming due to this expansionary environment (Griffin, 1998). The political and economic system of Vietnam remains Communism as opposed to the citizen’s indifference towards the label. Various classes existed in the small country, each affected differently by the development. They consisted of the landlords, the rural workers, the urban working class, the bourgeoisie and the middle class. As a member of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) since 1995, Vietnam holds an independent and authoritarian stance over distrust towards United States global power (Gainsborough, 2002). Vietnam runs on the Foreign Policy that states to “Implement consistently the foreign policy line of independence, self-reliance, peace, cooperation and development; the foreign policy of openness and diversification and multi-lateralization of international relations. Proactively and actively engage in international economic integration while expanding international cooperation in other fields. Vietnam is a friend and reliable partner of all countries in the international community, actively taking part in international and regional cooperation processes” (Thayer, 1999). Nithiyanandam quotes Jose Edgardo as saying: “East Asia's high performers developed institutions to make policies credible to the polity. Their leaders understood that policies would not work unless individuals and groups believed that the policies could be sustained and that they would enjoy some of the benefits.” (Nithiyanandam, 2000) Despite its tough relations due to misunderstanding with China, Vietnam remains loyal to the policy that none shall interfere in the other states’ matters especially with regard to members of ASEAN (Gainsborough, 2002). The Vietnamese had all the reasons to seek for a better future and thus, they made a conscious effort to make visits that were of high order, especially with China. The conservatives of the Vietnam, particularly that of the military, often considered the Chinese so be the last of the remaining few communist collaborators. Hence, they were fearsome of any negative action that would lose them their only chance of staying intact. According to Pierre, the Foreign Ministry officials and reformers indicated that China would have the most powerful military in a few years’ time and when it would establish itself, it would not think twice before taking any measure against its mistrusted ally or foes (Pierre, 2000). This brings the discussion back to the same point where it started. There is absolutely no guarantee for an underdeveloped nation to take a peaceful breath until it has placed the last brick in order. By the time this is done, there will be no one will survive to see the progressive state. The Driving Force of Bangladesh: Bangladesh had a magnificent past. In 327 BC it was known to be thriving in rich and intellectual pursuits and various other rewarding experiences (Sarkar, 2007). Bangladesh, meaning the country of Bengal, was initially East Pakistan immediately after the partition from India in 1947. It was due to several reasons that Bangladesh was formed as an independent country after much blood loss in 1971. One of the leading causes of the war between the east and the west was the large gap between the two wings that was physically filled by India. Bengal had its own unique heritage and its own culture and language. Being a tiny dot on the map next to India, the country looked helpless and poor after it got its independence. The political chaos created before the war was the second most influential reason for this upheaval. Yahya Khan’s government dealt with issues of Bangladesh quite brutally and attacked the university to start the bloody war of 1971 (Ahmed, 2004). The country, however, tried to remain intact and worked towards a more glorious future. Despite the achievements, it remains underdeveloped, partly because of the political unrest and mainly because of the unfavourable climate that leaves the people back at the starting point. Bangladesh is not the only country suffering from poverty and economic torpidity. The growth of the economy means annually high level of income and services. A sustainable growth is dependent on three movements, that is, the international development, the modern technology and a positive environment. Another component of sustainable development, according to the World Bank is the need for value judgment and a lasting expansion for both present and future generations (Sarkar, 2007). Bangladesh bloomed as a plague-ridden and politically unsteady nation. The leader of independence Mujibur Rahman took his seat in March 1973 and in January 1975 a single party rule was declared under a national state of emergency. Mujibur Rahman remained in power and ordered to destroy any force of opposition. This included a left wing leader, Siraj Sikder, who was killed immediately. This resulted in ill-feelings towards Mujibur Rahman and as the right-wing demonstrated a coup d’etat in on August 15, 1975, he was assassinated. Later, Khandker Mustaque Ahmed and other officers took over and Ahmed became the president. Soon after, Major General Zia ur-Rahman overthrew this presidency and asked chief justice A.M. Sayem to take the place as the President of Bangladesh. Later in 1977, Zia himself proposed to form a party by the name of Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP). In 1979, he won the elections through a landslide and brought steadiness and some progress. He too, however, was assassinated in 1981 coup. This continued as Ershad Hussain reinstated martial law and became the President in 1983. In such political circumstances of an underdeveloped state, one can imagine the level of growth and development happening nationwide. Hussain made his own party, the Jatiya party and won the elections of 1986. But he was forced to dissolve this parliament as well due to anti-government sentiments. In 1988 this party was re-elected but the civilians and opposition proscribed this victory. Bangladesh became an Islamic republic and Ershad Hussain was overthrown and imprisoned for mass-corruption and loss. BNP regained its power under Zia ur-Rahman’s wife Khaleda Zia. Simultaneously, the daughter of Mujib, Hasina Wajed brought Awami League in the front and both Khaleda and Hasina confronted each other for gaining power through protests and attacks (Sarkar, 2007). Returning to the growth and development of the nation amidst such violent chaos, Bangladesh is struck by extreme famines. In normal years it has a minimum per capita income level and a declining distribution of landholdings. Hence, the real power for purchasing a land is even below poverty line. Due to climatic instability, a bad harvest causes further decline in this rate. The suffering classes are mainly the “agricultural labourers, small peasants and tenant-cultivators”. The non-agricultural works that include the small traders, fishermen, blacksmith and potters are also part of the enduring team. Eventually, this leads to a constant shift in the distribution of food which demands exchange of any sort to procure food for family (Muqtada, 1981). Since the government could not do more than spill more and more blood with passage of time, like any other country, Bangladesh’s elite and upper class decided to form non-government organizations. These NGOs allowed the country to come in the forefront to at least achieve a public profile so that people from all over the world came and contributed to their efforts. The NGOs have grown remarkably over the years, especially in terms of finance and membership. As a result, the level of funding for the government has come to a downfall (Devine, 2003). Bangladesh is driven by donation and so greater effort is required to improve the efficiency of the organizations which are working in this direction. The sustainability of the nation demands a much political and nationalistic approach from the NGOs. It is often criticized for being an installed machine by the Western donations. Therefore, honour and dignity remain a major challenge for a country like Bangladesh (Devine, 2003). In order to breed a civilized nation, the economic growth and development should be the priority for the leader of the state. Bangladesh stands out as a country with a single language, sect and ethnicity, which gives it an edge over countries like India, Pakistan and Sri Lanka. It needs to focus more on the development of the educational policies and stability of the government. The executive, the judiciary and the legislative branches of the government must all be clearly labelled and privatization should take place according to the competitiveness of the market (Sarkar, 2007). Good governance requires a perfect political market, without which the country experiences major distortions in all the compartments. Through democracy, the majority of the poor people living in Bangladesh are able to benefit (Roy, 2005). Bangladesh and Vietnam: After viewing the political scenario of both the countries, one comes to this conclusion that both these nations have a lot in common except for the form of government. The people of the nation have suffered equally and have seen loss in the country’s growth and development. Bangladesh received world’s sympathy through most tragic times it underwent, when China maintained that India was backed by the Soviet Union to assist in the interference in the war of 1971. China aided Pakistan and Bangladesh was literally crushed in this wild politics. Ever since, it achieved independence, its concept of nationalism has given it a new look. The country has experienced a gradual growth (Ahmed, 2004). As for Vietnam, the transition from below the level of zero to the highest possible that it can maintain is an evolutionary transition. It needs constant reforms without which it will fall behind its fellow members of ASEAN. Same is the case with Bangladesh being a member of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC). The external forces aid in the renewal and “openness” of the foreign policy in Vietnam’s. Forced ideological changes in the past have left the Vietnamese in a state of turmoil (Gainsborough, 2002). In a communist society, they are chained to an authoritarian being. This is ironically true for a democratic society as well. Bangladesh did not experience a wave of brainwashing by selective communist landowners. They were, however, definitely jolted by a frequent displacement of power in the face of extreme poverty and famine. Since the 1990s, efforts have been made to make Vietnam a place for tourism. This has furthered a possibility of renovation and a better environment for the residents. More investment is done in order to maintain five-star resorts for welcoming big personalities by improving the cultural heritage and festivals. The Vietnam Bank of Agriculture was recognized the same year which was the “leading institution for rural credit” (Griffin, 1998). One wonders why the Vietnamese middle class has not emerged to confront the state just like the Bengalis have done. Over the past 20 years, Vietnam has remained tightly woven to the state out of fear of any further damage. It is an autonomous state with regard to the society and resists any external influences. The West considers Vietnam to emerge as a determined civil society, which may not be the case according to Gainsborough. He believes that political change will occur in Vietnam as a result of a change within a state institution. One hopes and suspects that as a consequence of this reformation, the “sharp-edged” authoritarianism will soften (Gainsborough, 2002). Bibliography AHMED, S. (2004). Bangladesh: past and present. New Delhi, A.P.H. Pub. Corp. DEVINE, J. (2003). The Paradox of Sustainability: Reflections on NGOs in Bangladesh. The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science. 590, 227-242. GRIFFIN, K. B. (1998). Economic reform in Vietnam. New York, N.Y., St. Martin's Press. GAINSBOROUGH, M. (2002). Political Change in Vietnam: In Search of the Middle-Class Challenge to the State.Asian Survey. 42, 694-707. MUQTADA, M. (1981). Poverty and famines in Bangladesh. Bangladesh Development Studies. 9, 1-34. NITHIYANANDAM, V. (2000). Ethnic politics and Third World development: some lessons from Sri Lanka's experience. Third World Quarterly - Journal of Emerging Areas. 21, 283-311. 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