Religious Figures in Saudi Arabia - Dissertation Example

? Civil Society and Religious Figures in Saudi Arabia Amna ALSamarrai Director Supervisor Introduction The era of colonial dominance, the end of the cold war and the gulf war have played a major role in shaping the political and socio-cultural context both directly and indirectly in the Arab and Muslim world, especially in Middle East and North Africa. Despite the failure of nationalist regimes, the rise of new developmental ideologies has successfully taken root in these societies. Concepts such as democracy, liberalization, secularization and civil society were the main metaphors that were associated with this era and were deliberated on in the Arab and Muslim societies. However, these concepts, as they are understood in the Western context, were not equally accepted or adopted by the various MENA nations, due to their differences in tribal affiliations, culture and civilization, religious constraints and divergent political and social systems. The movement was seen as an attempt of transplant Western thoughts into non-Western civilizations, therefore it was condemned as intrusive and eventually negated, mostly by radical Muslim fundamentalists. Saudi Arabia is the best example of a nation that questions the adoption of what it regards as imported ideologies from the outer world. Observers in the West thought Saudi to be isolated from the influence of colonialism and the cold war. I argue that Saudi wasn't really totally cut off from these democratic conceptions coming from the West. In fact, literature traces a history of events showing Saudis to be exposed to these modern concepts, and had actually adopted and modified these to commensurate with their own social and religious nature without carrying the western metaphors. This was accrued with the flow of Muslim pilgrims from all over the world, the oil-boom waves of expatriates and the sent abroad Saudi student - who some of them became part of the elite members when return in late 1970s - had been the indirect source of that western influence. However, globalization with its technological revolution is another major source of spreading the Euro-American modern secularized language and thoughts in contemporary Saudi culture. Saudi Arabia, despite the religious conservatism of its society, has one of the largest groups of liberal reformists in any country in the Middle East. The wealth resulting from its oil industry has enabled the country to send tens of thousands of its young citizens to the West to acquire modern college and graduate level education. The result is that a new generation of enlightened young Saudis have become convinced of the imperatives of modernization and competition in the global arena. While they support the royal family, they are convinced of the need for social and economic reform (Zakaria, 2012). This dynamic is manifesting in the strengthening initiatives of civil society and the growing confidence with which non-governmental organizations are pursuing reforms. The bureaucracy in Saudi Arabia is traditionalistic and resistant to radical change; this is not true only of the Kingdom but of every other Middle Eastern country. These governments are constrained to deliberate on the course of economic and social development, generate the projects that will bring about this development in a comprehensive long-term plan, supervise project execution and continue their operations and maintenance once they have been established (Nimir & Palmer, 1982). The workings of the bureaucracy are therefore of great interest to civil society which seeks the speedier and more democratic pursuit of those plans and projects. The third element in this situation, unique to countries in the Middle East that have a strong Islamic following, is the religious leaders, the ulama, who oversee all aspects of social and political life to ascertain their compliance with the teachings of Islam. The religious influence is particularly significant in the case of Saudi Arabia which is the seat of Islam for all Muslim faithful. Added to this is the fourth element, the differences in the tribal affiliations of the peoples in the Middle East. The tribal affiliations play an important role and cannot be ignored just like the religious influence, and this will be explained in details in the theses in different dimensions. By ‘tribe’ is meant ‘a society or division of society whose members have ancestry, customs, beliefs, and leadership in common.’ Tribes share common elements such as (1) a geographical base, (2) a common language, (3) a common religion, (4) a common ethnic basis, whether racial or genetic, (5) a common culture, (6) a common history, and sometimes (7) a common national identity (Cohen, 2011, p. 374). In this sense, the leader of the Al Sa’ud family is the head of a tribe religious and political tribe, and who performs the role of patron to followers loyal to him and to Islam. This runs counter to calls by civil society, that ‘all citizens should be equal before the law, enjoy the same rights (huquq) and duties (wajibat),’ no matter their religious affiliation (Wagemakers, Kanie & Van Geel, 2012, p. 13). All people and the ruler should relate to each other as individuals with the same rights and duties, and not be compelled by their loyalty to religion. Only then can full and equal citizenship be obtained (Wagemakers, et al., 2012). While the West debates the problem of transforming civil society towards a liberal political agenda, majority of developing countries are trying to adopt the original concept of civil society in the context of their environment. In Saudi the call for a solid civil society that conforms to the international norms is now prevailing in the cultural milieu. Intellectuals, journalists, writers and university lecturers, whether they were liberals or Islamists, are pushing the boundaries from time to time to bring the civil rights needs to the surface to reach the common citizen. Most interesting is that Saudi clergy are speaking this new language in its democratic dimensions; apparently some are well aware of the original source and the meaning of civil society. Religious ulama are playing a major role in reforming the society using their own influential power in spreading these new ideologies. This research will focus on the role of religious figures in their contribution in enhancing the civility and reform in Saudi society beside other dimensions of civil society existence. Research Question According to Gwenn Okruhlik 'the prospect for vibrant civil society in Saudi Arabia are quite good, though it is not likely to “fit” the standard definition. Civil society is often defined in terms of voluntarily association, businesses organizations, labor unions, and other entities that are located between household and the apparatus of the state. In Saudi Arabia familial and religious networks are part and parcel of civil society and will not wither as more formal organizations take root.' (Hefner: 2005) In exploring the dynamics among the government, the religious leadership, and civil society in the Kingdom, this dissertation aims to provide answers to the following research questions: (1) Has the emergence of civil society in Saudi Arabia played a direct role in transforming the political structure in the country shaped in a reform process? (2) What role has the religious leadership played in the social and political development in Saudi Arabia, in line with government programs and priorities? (3) As the political authority, how has the government in Saudi Arabia related to civil society and the religious leadership in optimizing development and progress in the country? (4) What role has tribal regional and sectarian identities played in the rise and direction takes by civil society? Research Objectives This study is undertaken to investigate the role of civil society in Saudi Arabia in the context of political theory. The main hypothesis the study is seeking to test is the emergence of civil society. Civil society in Saudi Arabia is more active and vibrant than the general assumption; at the same time, it is facing difficulties and obstacles in maintaining its independence from the state. Findings will be related to the relevant literature to determine what may enhance the effectiveness of civil society in Saudi. New approaches can be learned from Middle Eastern experiences after their compatibility to the Saudi context have been determined. This study shall aim: (1) To trace the development of Saudi Arabia’s political history and its implications on civil society; (2) To understand the nature of civil society in the context of Saudi Arabian socio-political framework, and the role civil society plays in effecting socio-political change; (3) To gather evidence on the relative success of civil society as a change agent; (4) To identify those areas of concern that contributed to the shortcomings of civil society; and (5) To provide recommendations on how civil society and the government could more effectively relate to each other and work towards a better future for Saudi Arabia Significance of the study Through the decades to the present, several studies have underscored the limited academic literature concerning the presence and activities of civil society in the Middle Eastern world in general (Kamraya & Mora, 1998; Wiktorowicz, 2000; Montagu, 2010; Hebditch, 2010; Sprusansky, 2012). There is even less literature on Saudi Arabia along these topics. The study may provide vital information to policy makers, civil society leaders, legislators, businessmen, investors and managers, and other social students as basis for future research. Preliminary Literature Review Congruity of civil society in Saudi Arabia Montagu (2010) noted the fact that civil society exists in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA) is unknown to many. There is the presumption based on the Western perspective of Saudi Arabia that civil society is not consistent with what is viewed as ‘a hegemonic and primitive monarchy’ (Montagu, 2010, p. 67). The outside world is also generally uninformed about the activity of the domestic non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and the voluntary sector working in the Kingdom; the truth, however, is that local charitable organizations, NGOs, and the associational/ civil society in general have existed for decades. Several autonomous or semi-autonomous organisations have emerged in Middle Eastern societies, in various forms ranging from religious endowment organisations to private social clubs (Kamrava & Mora, 1998, p.909). Hebditch (2010) agreed that not much is known about non-profit civil society organisations in the Middle East in general, including Lebanon, Palestine, Egypt, Jordan, Syria, and Israel. The question was raised as to the manner in which civil society and NGOs operate within the context of the political and social framework of the KSA. One of the reasons why foreign observers are oblivious to Saudi Arabia’s civil society is the differences that exist between it and its counterpart institutions in the Western democracies. One such difference is that the concept of civil society is more formal and legalistic in the West than it is in KSA. According to Montagu (2010), Western civil society relates to the government as formal voluntary organizations, defined by the rule of law, and an enabling political structure. KSA’s civil society sector is more fluid and less defined, more traditional and informal, the purpose of which is to create a cushion between the state and the citizens in a manner that engages them more actively in the participant political system. Because of this principal role, civil society is suited and effective for certain political structures, and not for others. Taheri (2004) noted that together with Saudi Arabia’s modernization, a number of power centers have taken shape in the form of dozens of assemblies in the form of professional associations, chambers of commerce, and cultural associations. These groups have provided the channels by which the Kingdom’s emerging middle class, empowered by education and economic wealth, have sought to create a greater impact on Saud Arabia’s decision-making processes. While the political regime ignored the growth of this sector, the urban middle class has become ‘the most potent force for reform’ (Taheri, 2004, p.463). The growth of this sector through the past 30 years is underscored by the increase in the number of Saudi citizens who have acquired secular university education, from a few dozen to nearly a million. In 2004, some 300,000 obtained their education in the Western democratic countries, particularly the United States. Taheri’s inference of the power of the middle class gives credence to the threat with which civil society (which is the organized movement of the middle class) is regarded by the ruling regime. Sprusansky, et al (2012) reports that Washington has observed ‘troubling signs’ of ‘mounting backlash’ in the Arab world against civil society organisations. For instance, three pro-democracy groups were shut down by the UAE government while Bahrain has imposed strict restrictions on the extent of self-expression of civil society organisations. Egypt has denied license registration and recognition to several civil society organisations even as Mubarak-era limitations on freedom remain in place more than a year after his ouster. It is well known how conditions in Egypt have deteriorated in recent weeks as civil society elements posed open opposition and reaction against sitting president Mursi for what are seen as his efforts to consolidate authoritarian power onto himself (Reuters, 2012). Role of civil society in facilitating interstate relations Hebditch (2010) felt that the development of a stronger civil society sector could resolve many of the problems existing between the Palestinians and Israel, and the tense relations between Israel and its Arab neighbors. A positive initial step would be identification of those organisations or bodies in the Middle East which are willing to work across borders. NGOs with either an international presence or with collaborative ties with other similar organisations in neighboring countries may work together to pursue initiatives towards reducing such tensions and defusing escalating conflicts. This viewpoint expressed by Hebditch and many others implies that civil society institutions may have the capability of bridging the political gaps existing between countries without compromising the political stance taken by these governments. It underscores the importance of the existence of an international network to support civil society in the Middle East. There are those who feel that there is a rivalry between Islam and civil society. Gellner (1994), wrote that while civil society requires the privatization of religious beliefs, Islam resists secularization (Sunar, 2002, p. 9). According to this theory, Islam and civil society diametrically oppose each other and therefore efforts to reconcile them would be great unless one or the other, or both, evolve. Others say that, despite their seemingly irreconcilable differences, it is possible to arrive at a synthesis of Islam and Democracy. According to Tibi (1996), the Oxford Muslim scholar Hamid Enayat was of the view that it is neither ‘difficult nor illegitimate to derive a list of democratic rights and liberties’ from source of Islamic teachings by scholars who are enlightened in their exegesis (p. 30), because the principles of Islam and those of democracy are not inherently contradictory. Role of civil society in democratization Of interest to students of the socio-political development of divergent societies is the effectiveness of civil society as agent of democratization. An earlier study by Kamrava and Mora (1998) compared the growth of civil society in two politically different regions, the Middle East and Latin America. The authors were working with the premise that democratic transition requires (1) the complete breakdown or paralysis of the state, and the absence of a viable alternative, and (2) the emergence of civil society either before the transition or before a new system consolidates. What is interesting is that at the time, Kamrava and Mora prophetically stated: ‘the non-democratic states of the Middle East have yet to fall victim to the successes of their own social and economic development policies’ and observed that the then authoritarian Middle East states have yet to reach ‘a complete political deadlock in the same way that most Latin American states had’ in the eighties. The authors had no way of anticipating the Arab Spring uprisings that took place more than a decade after the study was made, although their logic led to the inevitability of the movement. Other studies have explored the alternative tendency of civil society, that of being agent in the enforcement of social control. Wiktorowicz (2000) found that formal associationalism may well provide the mechanism for state social control as much as it may be the vehicle for collective empowerment. The study cited Middle East regimes in particular as notoriously encouraging the formation of civil organisations because through them, the state may impose a system of control that is predicated upon ‘disciplinary and bureaucratic power’ (Wiktorowicz, 2000, p. 43). Civil organisations of this sort are centrally managed and regulated; they are used to observe and monitor collective action channeled through them. The study in particular cites Jordan as one country that, despite political liberalization, actively encourages the establishment of NGOs which, though transparent, are rendered pliant to oversight and regulation and which therefore enhance government’s social control. Theoretical Framework The guiding principle of human social organization in Ibn Khaldun’s perspective is that differences of conditions among people are the result of the different ways in which they make their living (Bromley 1994: 25). The circumstance of state formation in Saudi Arabia differs from any other country in the region or the world. The Saudi regime is neither capitalist nor democratic but authoritarian, in which case most civil society activities are assumed to be controlled by the state. As such, both state and civil society appear to have found a common ground by which they may co-exist. “[T]he rediscovery of the concept [of civil society] is motivated by political changes that have swept 'traditional' societies now integrated into a nation-state,”(Al-Rasheed: 147) and is influenced by the Western pattern. “The concept of civil society needs to be disengaged from its incorporation into a liberal theory of state-society relations, where the state and civil society are juxtaposed as separate and conflicting spheres. The nature of the relation should be removed from the definition of civil society and be a matter of empirical investigation. Relevant theory must be able to handle the alternative modes in which the relationship is constituted in different societies at different times” (Beckman 1997:3). Stated otherwise, it may be entirely possible that the Western construct of a distinction between state and civil society may not be relevant in Saudi, in which case a new construct most be devised that explains the relationship between the two in the Saudi context. In arriving at this new construct, the established theories shall be used as guides to be compared with the Saudi experience and thereafter be accepted or discarded. These include the theories of state formation, modernization, the public sphere, administered society, civil development, authoritarianism, populism, co-optation and coercion. Research methodology The study shall employ qualitative methods of analysis, in order to gain data in the form of narrative and opinion. Specifically, the case study and interview methods will be used to gain a deeper understanding of the social construct of civil society in Saudi Arabia. The case study is the study of a social phenomenon that is carried out within the boundaries of one or a few social systems such as people, organizations, groups, individuals, local communities, and others where the phenomenon exists (Swanborn, 2010). The interview consists of asking questions to obtain opinions, ideas or special information on topics of interest (Campus Journalism, 1997). The choice of these research methods is consistent with the need for triangulation in order to ensure data reliability and validity. Data obtained and corroborated by these methods are considered valid and reliable for use in data analysis (Northcutt & McCoy, 2004). The NGO which shall be the focus of attention in this case study is the World Assembly of Muslim Youth, or WAMY, an Islamic educational organisation based in Riyadh Mil, Central, Saudi Arabia. The WAMY is an organization of high repute; it is affiliated with the United Nations, having a global reach, and with branches in the UK and Brazil. It advocates and strives for the development of young Muslims, both personally and socially, to enable them to realize their highest potential. The full background on the organization will be described in the annual based on a document search to be conducted in the public domain. Conclusion The outcome that is expected to emanate from this study is a profound definition of the nature of Saudi civil society, its relation to the religious and political leadership that have shaped Saudi’s history and traditions, and a description of the role of civil society in the modernization and globalization of Saudi, to enable it to someday assume its place among the world leaders. The conclusion shall describe in what manner Saudi civil society conforms with and deviates from the Western understanding of civil society. Because the relevant literature shows widely diverse perspectives of civil society in Saudi – some averring that it does not exist while others alleging that it does but cannot reconcile this fact with Saudi’s authoritarian political and religious institutions – then the logical inference is that there may be an entirely new understanding of Saudi’s concept of civil society. With the articulation of a new construct, the study will formulate therefrom a set of actionable principles which shall be recommended to public policy makers and leaders of socio-civic groups. The recommendations are intended to provide a practical adaptation to the findings and enhance the usefulness of the dissertation, and thereby bridge the divide between theory and actuality. Preliminary Bibliography Ad'ha Aljunied, S 2011, 'Religious Freedom in Malaysia's 'Islamic State': Comparisons with the Islamic State of Medina', Journal Of Muslim Minority Affairs, 31, 1, pp. 113-123, Academic Search Complete, EBSCOhost, viewed 23 December 2012. Al-Yahya, K O 2010, 'The Over-Educated, Under-Utilized Public Professionals: Evidences from Oman and Saudi Arabia', Journal Of Management & Public Policy, 1, 2, pp. 28-47, Business Source Complete, EBSCOhost, viewed 23 December 2012. 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