Changes to the People of China - Essay Example

Social Mobility and Inequality in China

OUTLINE

• Introduction
• Body
  • Class stratification
  • Socioeconomic inequalities
  • Social mobility
• Conclusion

Introduction

The people of China have, over the years, shown a drastic trend in the shift of their patterns of living. These developments notable within the populations are clearly evident in the variations characteristic of the various features of life such as the economic, social, and political sectors. It is also an interesting thing to note that the social aspect of the Chinese societies is rapidly growing, and in this respect, has captivated the attention of sociologists and scholars who have subsequently shown their great fascination in this area of sociological studies.

The reason for this excitement is because, this field of research provides a rich knowledge about the sociological background of this highly dynamic country, in addition to enabling the thorough examination of research questions which are of basic interest. Researchers in sociology have, therefore, continued to study these changes since the post-1978 China’s economic reformations, and, thus, have come up with critical issues of discussion providing illustrations of the in-depth analysis of these important developments in the society through three interrelated topics of class stratification, socioeconomic inequalities, and social mobility. We shall consider a comparison between the rural Baoding and the urban Taiwanese cities.

Class Stratification

Prior to the economic revolution that took place after the death of Mao in 1976, China’s class stratification was a rigid status hierarchy. This feature was as a result of the instituted state socialist economy, whereby ownership of property by individuals, for instance, farmlands, was eradicated to promote the regime of Communism. It was until the post-1978 regime of Deng Xiaoping that reform policies towards the abolition of collectivization of the economy were put in place, eliminating the rigid status hierarchy of pre-reform period. At 1999, the registered rural classes were represented as illustrated.

Rural Classes

Estimated Percentage

Political elites

70%

Capitalists class

Under 1%

Managerial class

1.5%

Petty bourgeoisie

6 to 7%

Middle class

2.5%

Peasant laborers

16 to 18%

Working class

16 to 17%

Agricultural peasants

48 to 50%

It is observed that the rigid status hierarchy was fundamentally characterized by four distinct structural and behavioral dimensions. First, there was the rural-urban divide, which was a household registration regulation that generally confined the Chinese people to a specific area for the rest of their lives, commonly, their birthplaces. This institution limited the ability of rural dwellers to receive a quality education, health, and housing, among other privileges that were found in the urban areas, hence, the increased poverty in the rural places.

The other structural dimension was that of the state-dualism of the economy. Through this means, there was the development of a clear differentiation in status between the state workers and those subjected under the rural collective sectors. Thus, the state workers were the more privileged in this kind of economy. Thirdly, there was the cadre-worker classification in an occupation which was also grouped in terms of status. The cadres generally represented the managers and professionals mostly in government offices, whereas the workers were ordinary peasants who could remain in that position for their lifetime.

The last dimension characterizing the rigid status hierarchy was the political labeling of the people in terms of their revolutionary or anti-revolutionary activities, thus the identification as “reds” and “blacks”, respectively. The “blacks” were considered the most important people and were from the property-class background.

However, starting from 1978, reforms began taking place in the rural areas. Thus, the economy was decentralized, and the farmers were now free to specialize and search for other higher income jobs in the cities, further leading to the development of social classes in the rural and the urban areas. For instance, the initially flourishing state-sector workers underwent a period of differentiation and de-empowered as those who held managerial positions in government acquired full control of their respective state properties. Within the private sector, entrepreneurs who had no interest in politics began to rise. However, there was still ambiguity within the class of the intellectuals.

Socioeconomic Inequalities

The reduction in socioeconomic inequalities is among the most notable features of the Mao’s regime. During this time, income was distributed evenly among the people in relation to the existing hierarchy in social status, such as rank, job category, political power, age and seniority, among other social dimensions. These dimensions were later modified by the post-Mao economic reformation, as observed in the identified research areas of occupational prestige, income distribution, housing and consumption, and gender inequality. But first, the table below will illustrate the differentiation and de-empowerment effect of the post-1978 to the working class.

Wage labor (private sector)

12 million

Unprotected labor (state sector)

70 million

Lay off labor in search for job

30 million

Deprived migrant peasant

60 million

Even though all jobs were considered to be equal in the state socialism of the Maoist regime, there existed a preference for occupations within the people. For instance, it was observed that job titles were rated in a prestige scale irrespective of their insignificant variation in income; a clear example is the leaning towards the non-manual among seniors from high schools in Shanghai. It is worth mentioning that this occupational preference was large as a result of a level of the person’s education rather than income variation.

The changing mechanisms that project income distribution in China have been the focal point for research on this aspect. The growth of the coastal regions had a major impact in the raising of the income of coastal residents, creating a wide economic gap between these regions and the inland areas, where poverty continued to thrive. Human capital receives a reward from both the market and bureaucracy, and its increase is significantly affected by the market forces. Returns increase with education, yet, there is great controversy when it comes to the earnings accrued from political power because cadres and members of parties tend to gain continually even when other sectors make lose.

In terms of housing, the rich resided in spacious apartments whereas the poor workers stayed in slums. This is because the work units which were responsible for allocating housing to the workers generally awarded accommodation according to social status. The redistributive move which led to the privatization of housing did not improve this problem since the consumption power of the rich still enabled them to purchase the luxurious apartments, while the poor still struggled from their low consumption strength. Living patterns in the rural and urban can be seen from this comparison.

Finally, gender inequality has remained to be a critical issue in the society. The existence of strong status quo within the government, society and culture has enhanced economic discrimination against the women, especially in the urban areas. In most rural places, men are seen to specialize in family businesses while the women are left to take care of agricultural jobs, thus the wide economic gap between men and women.

Social Mobility

Initially, the rigid status hierarchy characteristic of the Mao’s regime limited the ability of the people to move from one social position to another. However, during the reformation period which started in 1978, the boundaries were broken and social mobility enhanced, leading to the movement of people from the rural places to urban areas to search for economic opportunities. Three distinct areas of status attainment, career mobility and social network in occupational processes have been studied to illustrate this aspect.

Status attainment was either inherited or achieved. Conducted research shows that status inheritance was great in education attainment, whereas family origin had an impact towards the attainment of occupation, and an individual’s education increased their chances for getting high-salary jobs. However, the females were less advantaged in both social attainments. Career mobility was affected by educational credentials, market reforms and party membership. For instance, higher education led to professional elite while party loyalty serves as a hierarchy elevator. In other instances, market factors contribute to the shift from virtuocracy to meritocracy.

Lastly, social networks in occupational processes create opportunities for promotions in the work places. This is clearly observed in the Guanxi networks; in job entry, inter-mobility and reemployment. The networks influence in job-entry moved from 40% (1960s & 70s) to 55% (1980s), and 70% (1990s). In inter-firm mobility, its use increased from 50% (before 1988) to about 80% (by 1999), as it also increased the probability for reemployment of laid-off workers. Thus, the dependence of parents to their children for support was relatively reduced.

Conclusion

China’s dynamic economic and political factors continue to cause unpredictable patterns in the social aspects of the populations. These changes further lead to questions among the sociologist researchers in relation to class stratification, socioeconomic inequalities and social mobility. Much understanding about the social status which existed during the Mao’s regime has been availed through research, and much still needs to be studied about the current and emerging social stratifications and classes. Even though significant research has been done touching on the human and political aspects relative to social and economic features, extensive analysis still needs to be carried out so as to develop further theoretical grounds for the illustration of the changes depicted through social stratification and social mobility.

QUESTIONS

• Is this class stratification and social mobility study conclusive enough? No. Social and economic aspects of the societies are dynamic, and are the aspects that define the emergence of new social classes. It therefore requires extensive research and analysis, so as to lead to a highly reliable study in the later research.
• Was Mao’s regime a better method for reducing socioeconomic inequality? Even though ere seemed to be equality within the population, equality was only realized among people in similar social classes. Thus, the method only facilitated the establishment of social rankings.
• Since social mobility factor is subject to diverse evolving trends, is the research on social mobility reliable? The findings of research are intended to test the derived hypotheses from the already formulated theories. The tremendous transformations in China require more grounded and creative approaches to determine the economic and social paths.
• Is the Mao regime responsible for the regional imbalance in China today? Before the economic reform period started in the country, social mobility was restricted and property communalized. These factors slowed down the development of the rural areas causing them to lag behind in terms of development. Therefore, it is true that the regime of Mao can be blamed for this effect.
• Do social classes still exist in China? In as much as social mobility was enhanced during the post-Mao period and reshuffling of professional positions, many people are still in the category of uneducated and from poor backgrounds. It, therefore, means that, even though it is not pronounced as in the past, social levels still do exist.
• Is the Chinese social aspect a contributing factor to its rapid development? From my personal perspective, I believe that the growth of any nation is a collective contribution from every individual. Social cohesion is thus an essential factor in development, and China demonstrates this attribute.

Social Mobility

Initially, the rigid status hierarchy characteristic of the Mao’s regime limited the ability of the people to move from one social position to another. However, during the reformation period which started in 1978, the boundaries were broken and social mobility enhanced, leading to the movement of people from the rural places to urban areas to search for economic opportunities. Three distinct areas of status attainment, career mobility and social network in occupational processes have been studied to illustrate this aspect.

Status attainment was either inherited or achieved. Conducted research shows that status inheritance was great in education attainment, whereas family origin had an impact towards the attainment of occupation, and an individual’s education increased their chances for getting high-salary jobs. However, the females were less advantaged in both social attainments. Career mobility was affected by educational credentials, market reforms and party membership. For instance, higher education led to professional elite while party loyalty serves as a hierarchy elevator. In other instances, market factors contribute to the shift from virtuocracy to meritocracy.

Lastly, social networks in occupational processes create opportunities for promotions in the work places. This is clearly observed in the Guanxi networks; in job entry, inter-mobility and reemployment. The networks influence in job-entry moved from 40% (1960s & 70s) to 55% (1980s), and 70% (1990s). In inter-firm mobility, its use increased from 50% (before 1988) to about 80% (by 1999), as it also increased the probability for reemployment of laid-off workers. Thus, the dependence of parents to their children for support was relatively reduced.

Conclusion

China’s dynamic economic and political factors continue to cause unpredictable patterns in the social aspects of the populations. These changes further lead to questions among the sociologist researchers in relation to class stratification, socioeconomic inequalities and social mobility. Much understanding about the social status which existed during the Mao’s regime has been availed through research, and much still needs to be studied about the current and emerging social stratifications and classes. Even though significant research has been done touching on the human and political aspects relative to social and economic features, extensive analysis still needs to be carried out so as to develop further theoretical grounds for the illustration of the changes depicted through social stratification and social mobility.

QUESTIONS

• Is this class stratification and social mobility study conclusive enough? No. Social and economic aspects of the societies are dynamic, and are the aspects that define the emergence of new social classes. It therefore requires extensive research and analysis, so as to lead to a highly reliable study in the later research.
• Was Mao’s regime a better method for reducing socioeconomic inequality? Even though ere seemed to be equality within the population, equality was only realized among people in similar social classes. Thus, the method only facilitated the establishment of social rankings.
• Since social mobility factor is subject to diverse evolving trends, is the research on social mobility reliable? The findings of research are intended to test the derived hypotheses from the already formulated theories. The tremendous transformations in China require more grounded and creative approaches to determine the economic and social paths.
• Is the Mao regime responsible for the regional imbalance in China today? Before the economic reform period started in the country, social mobility was restricted and property communalized. These factors slowed down the development of the rural areas causing them to lag behind in terms of development. Therefore, it is true that the regime of Mao can be blamed for this effect. Read More