Aiwan Society after Martial Law in 1987 - Research Paper Example

Research Paper, Sociology 4 December Taiwan Society after Martial Law in 1987 and the Political Conflict between Ma Ying-Jeou vs. Wang Jinping 1. Introduction Taiwan society lives to celebrate the lifting of the martial law that had suppressed the freedom and rights of the public population in the island several decades ago till late 80s. Most adults above 30 years of age in Taiwan (especially the natives) bear witness to the social, economic and political changes in the society from their experiences during martial law regime and after its end. To comprehend the changes afterwards, it’s important to have an overview of the situation during practice of martial law. Power struggles among dominant parties have existed from the China’s mainland to its provinces. Prior to 1949, KMT (Kuomingtang) and CCP (China Communist party) had engaged in campaigns against each other; KMT (under president Chiang Kai Shek) tried to consolidate its power over whole of China, which entailed repressing communist movements, but CCP eventually acquired more mass support and soldiers that led to overpowering of KMT (“The Chinese,” ku.edu). Remnants of KMT fled into Taiwan and instituted their authoritative government and martial law to control dissidents. For the next 38 years, it was a dark period for Taiwanese, characterized of terror, movements’ suppression, massacre and detention of innocent civilians. According to Chang, the beginning incident of 28 February 1947 to mid-march left over 10000 deaths and thousands of injured people, while the white terror period beginning from 1950s employed legal and judicial oppressive policies, subjecting Taiwanese people to violations of their human rights (like torture, executions and arrests) by ruthless military force (p.8). As they suppressed local elites and opposing political dissidents, development and social reform were hampered. However, chances for KTM old guards and oppressive regimes were cut short with the introduction of more flexible policies in the 80s, after termination of martial law and later statutes on the banner of mobilization suppression and mobilization law previously enacted in the 40s and 50s. 2. Taiwan society after martial law 2.1 Society still under tight reign of KMT For such an authoritative government and the forces in society that drove to the lifting of the martial law, KMT had to relinquish certain powers and change certain laws. What the government did is enact others with limited rights, while other oppressive ones remained to govern the society. First, the society remained under KMT rule; and though the atmosphere in governance could be tolerant, thirteen more years from 1987 they remained in power. However statutes like eradication of communist espionage and punishment of treason remained intact until 1991 while the national mobilization law was later abolished in 2004 (Chang 11). Transition into a free society for the people was still impeded by such laws, meaning that KMT original authority had strong grip on the Taiwanese. Apparently, lifting of the martial law seemed to be strategy to appease the society yet the actual statutes that were fundamental in any Taiwanese daily operation remained unchanged. With regard to the mobilization law (banned strikes targeting on labor sector) that was lifted during DPP’s tenure; it was evidence that the society was still in certain chains in terms of seeking democracy. The society’s transition has been a progressive one in search for democracy. 2.2 Thriving social movements 2.2.1 Labor movement Labor movement has been prospering in Taiwan since the lifting of martial law. Coming from a society that highly valued Confucian principles, respect for authoritative government and hierarchy was demanded from the workers. The previous provisions made strikes impossible and “gave authorities discretion to issue orders to prevent or settle labor disputes, and to prohibit lockouts, strikes, sit-downs or any other action prejudicial to production” (Winn 48). Despite the revision of the provision a decade later after abolishment of the martial law, democratization that had set in allowed creation of independent unions. Previously, only the Chinese federation of labor (CFL) existed with ultimate power as bestowed by KMT government, others smaller unions were illegally formed by dissident workers and if lawfully recognized functioned as simply subordinate tools to the arms of government (copper 158). Apparently, CFL remained as the recognized legal representative of Taiwan’s labor unions years later, but it could not prevent the rise of independent activists. Taiwan hosts thousands of privately owned businesses, thus formation of strong unions was quite a challenge because of the different businesses’ principles. However, due to the inappropriate management and worker relation by the states rule, most workers collectively joined and supported independent union movements. Both industrial and occupational unions increased from 1987, especially from the municipalities dominated by DPP opposition. According to Morley, Gunnigle and Collings, the federation of independent unions, Taiwan labor front and national federation of industrial unions as independent unions were formed; this criticized CFL’s monopoly and management, and provided the employees with an alternative union (152). During the 90s formation of local federations of unions from the county level increased and independent from CFL’s system were given certain privileges. They were allowed to “apply for government subsidy, included in labor administration and contribute on issues like labor dispute mediation, labor education and legal questions, from which unofficial labor federations had been excluded” (Ho 120). These unions from the county level and others from the government’s CFL recollected again forming Taiwan’s Confederation of Trade Unions (TCTU). The state’s corporatism was challenged from the local unions to national level through legalization of TCTU under DPP’s rule. The struggle for labor movement has been objective and outspoken over the decades fighting for reforms in the labor regulations. Labor movement after 1987 gained momentum to express their distress emanating from poor state’s controlled union, its management and arising issues of unemployment. The rise of workers’ protests after end of martial law was spurred by relation of the law, allowing the first wave of labor militancy to occur. It was a period which awakened the workers’ political class consciousness and marked by powerful strikes and labor disputes (“The history hartford-hwp.com”). It is common for industries’ workers to match on the streets of Taiwan’s city and countries protesting for labor issues that affect them, whether concerning their welfare or working conditions. With greater autonomy of unions workers exercise their rights inclusive of strikes and settling of disputes through an authorized body. 2.2.2 Gay movements Taiwan is considered to have adopted the western perception of homosexual rights and support in the Asian community. It was evident that gay people existed in Taiwan before 1987 as expressed through novel writers on homosexual prostitution, same sex desire and fictional stories with queer themes on sexual orientations, which were published in 70s and 80s (Liou 127). However, gay people and societies remained relatively invisible in the public scope due to the States apparatus and impeding martial law. Its abolishment and rise of raucous democracy, later characterized of openness provided the gays people an outlet to push for rights in the public. Right from Taipei, lesbian movements emerged from the feminist group and later worked closely with gay men’s liberation movement; the breakdown of Taiwan’s patriarchal culture had begun (Castells 109). It entailed struggle against discrimination and later acceptance of their institutions of marriage during postmodernism. The term tong-zhi (implied gay identity) became publically common in early 90s, following a reshaped thought on issues of sexual orientation and gender. Riding on feminist movements, gay discussions were no longer an issue to shy about. Gay programs, organizations were later established and films produced, which all helped change their perception in society. The publicly proclaimed support of gay rights from the former and current president of Taiwan has contributed to wide recognition and positive protection in the society (Chang 9). Based on the current trend, anyone can bet the next move would be legalizing gay unions in pursuit of equal marriage rights. LGBT movements are strong in Taiwan compared to other parts of Asia and so far, members enjoy more privileges than during martial law. 2.3 Gender equality Women rights groups are among the many civil societies that sprang into action after end of martial law. Inequality and discrimination among different genders have dramatically reduced as people learnt their rights in a liberal world. Growing up in Taiwan (a Confucian society), women were perceived as the inferior sex and under the confusion and martial law system restricted in numerous roles like leadership and high ranking positions. The female’s subordinate position has changed over time, allowing majority of women to be business owners (especially SMEs) and others in governments from the county levels, municipalities, cities and broad Taiwan’s cabinet. In pursuit of their rights, the women awakening foundation was formed two months after lifting of martial law, “it went on to become the coordinating instance Taiwan’s women struggles, mixing liberal themes, radical causes, and support for a whole array of women’s initiative” (Castells 109). Women’s employment had previously been limited under martial law, but it continues to improve over time. The occurrence of gender discrimination in employment within Taiwan had to change in the age of democratization. Hence, women through their movements called for changes to address the issue in workplace. This led to enactment of gender equality in Employment Act of 2002 and commissions to implement and enforce the law. Although the Taiwanese female labor potential has not been fully utilized, statistics indicated female to male participation rate in employment to be 49.20 and 67.33 percent as of 2007(Chiao 142). Women may not yet have same opportunities as men, but their basic rights progressively improve under the law and its amendment. Gender equality has a long way to go, but compared to past performances, women are in a better position today. Initially, the number of women in high ranking and decision making position was minuscule, but currently about 23% of high raking executives in local companies were women (China post chinapost.com). Revision of the legislature has allowed recognition of women’s basic rights such as paid leaves for maternal purposes and recently menstruation leave (additional 3 days per year) treated as a sick leave. Perhaps the most awareness on gender issues in theory and practice to was implemented under DPPs leadership in Taiwan. According to Fetzer and Soper “Taiwan got the first ever female vice president under DPP’s government in 2000, the number of women in the cabinet increased by ¼ of the total membership, while 30 percent of the DPPs seat in the legislative Yuan were held by women” (31). Feminist movement have been central in addressing and driving women agendas for a better society 2.4 Improved access to education Educational opportunities were limited for the girl child/women before and even during the martial law, most especially due to the Confucian family traditions. The wide gap in educational access between the male and female groups from compulsory primary to higher educational training was alarming. Though Taiwan has experienced a speedy expansion in education sector, it took time for girls’ enrollment in education to reach that of boys. One outstanding policy under martial law was making primary education compulsory and later junior high, which all saw an increase in both boys and girls in schools (though the later at a lower rate). Perhaps it was due to social preferences of educating boys over girls and traditional expectation of a woman in a marriage framework. Series policies; government’s liberalization of higher education in 1985, termination of martial law and 1994 university law among other, later facilitated transformation of education system and overcoming of gender inequality. Critically evaluating the net enrollment rate at a given level of education, from the period of 1985-90 female’s enrolment in junior and senior high, and most specifically college level sealed the gap to modernly exceed the male counterparts (Lu 15). Increased private universities/institutions have contributed to expansion of higher education and educating of Taiwanese women in various demanding professions (Chou nccu.edu.tw). The literacy level has risen and spread across both genders for the elite and common civilians, and way past mainland China. 2.5 Media and democracy Existence of media under the martial law and its tight control by the state and military was strategic plan that acted to limit freedoms in areas of press and speech with the society. Actually, written papers for publication had to undergo strict government censorship in reference to written contents (e.g. magazines and films). The government had owned TV stations, most radio stations and newspapers prior to 1987, but upon media liberalization in the 90s, new business entrants joined the media industry in the open labor market. Taiwan’s media environment has transformed from ownership to media operators. KMT government had banned certain newspapers and radios to limit competition and emergence of communist movement among others. Referring to Fell, Kloter and Chang, the 31 newspapers and 33 radio and 3TVstations in 1987 increased to 604, 174 and 4 respectively by 2003 (228). In addition to the numerous broadcasting cable channels and high tech equipments in the modern world, Taiwan’s media has transformed in years to timely reach and inform the society. Electronic media has taken media to greater heights to address sensational and sensitive political, social and economic issues, which open minded journalists’ were prevented from reporting. Taiwan’s freedom has been manifested in its press and the general media. Reporting can now be conducted in several languages in media outlets, censorship ended for healthy functioning of media and journalists acquired more rights governed by an ethical code to search and report accurate findings. Media can now be used to scrutinize the behavior and decisions of the government and public figures through talks/debate shows to make them accountable. However, it must be recognized that with increased freedom of press, propaganda has increased while some have become mouthpiece for specific political parties. Individuals do exercise their freedom of speech through openly expressing their views on public topics and operation of the government without fear. This enables people of different genders, LGBT, political groups, labor, young generation and other specialized groups to voice up their interests and disturbing issues in society without fear condemnation and harassment by the government. Abolishment of martial law inspired freedom of expression (speech, artistic expression and literature) and different ideologies among professionals turning into a reality what were often regarded as taboos. 2.6 Freedom of assembly and political parties Taiwan is today considered a free and democratic nation after the many leading western countries. Its citizens enjoy numerous civil liberties from association, worship, and speech to assembly. Under the national security law (NSL) during the martial law, restrictions had been placed on association and assembly activities. As a result hundreds of people had been imprisoned and some even executed on accounts of political opposition. KMT’s opposition had existed prior to 1987, but kept a low profile due to the existing legislature that banned its existence. However, termination of martial law, allowed formation of new political parties, which would bring to an end one party footing. Since the legalization of political parties in 1989, Taiwan has experienced free and fair multiparty legislative elections (Taiwan freedomhouse.org). Other parties like Taiwan’s Independence party and New Taiwan’s party among many others were registered after the DPP. Taiwanese citizens are free become members of a political party they so wish and can today exercise their right to vote to their choice of candidate in elections without bias. Taiwanese in the modern society exercise their freedom of assembly to promote their political agendas. Where as in the past political assemblies were discouraged through harsh punishments, DPP politicians among other opposition parties can conduct their public meeting discuss and promote their agendas, and even ethically criticize the running government from the gatherings. Members of political parties freely participate in the political rallies and listen to their leaders. Opposition has grown stronger and keen to running government’s operations/policies to ensure they benefit the society of Taiwan and meets the people’s need. Governance has improved because of such competition and criticisms, ensuring the general society of Taiwan are involved in shaping their future and, preventing wastage of resources and corruption. Development of diverse political parties and increased awareness of votes’ rights all helped to change and heighten the political atmosphere of Taiwan. Strong opposing parties DPP and long existing KMT have competed in elections severally, allowing Taiwan to experience change in governance from the year 2000 and subsequently in 2008. 3. Political conflicts between Ma Ying-jeou vs. Wang Jinping 3.1 Origins of leaders The two political figures stem from KMT party and are known to be political rivals in modern politics. First is the main difference from their political origin of the two. Ma Ying Jeou is the current president, but a well-known islander from Hong Kong, while Wang Jinping was born in Taiwan, previously of Japanese empire. Hence, rivalry was bound to develop right from KMT’s imposed mainland’s policies with those of whom joined the party from Taiwan. In effect there those supporters whom prefer island’s political leadership over the originating mainlanders’ leadership due to the historical experiences and persecution. It’s an indication of the existing wound among supporters in the modern KMT 27 years after abolishment of the martial law. Based on the two leaders’ backgrounds, they were influenced by two opposing views of political parties. One, Wang came from the southern part of the Island, which had deep connections with DPP’s establishment. He learnt and developed his political skills from DPP’s zone before rising to KMT. Considering his family background and upbringing, he had developed friendship with different people (including DPP’s leaders) by the time he was running as one of KMT’s representative in the Island, back in the 70s. He’s known to have a friendly personality (quiet and soft spoken); his conciliatory figure may have given him a positive leadership figure, but helped influence his rival position with the president Ma Ying Jeou (SCMP scmp.com). It would not be abnormal for Mr. Ma to speculate on his rival’s political stand. Relationships among politicians of different parties are common, but the risk of parties’ infiltration is of major concern. 3.2 2005 chairmanship of KMT conflict Mr. Wang is a long established political figure and had served in various committees and as the deputy of the Legislative Yuan (LY) in Taiwan before the 21st century. Since Taiwan had entered a democratic age by2005, contestants willing to run for KMT’s leadership went into elections. According to Kilian, rivalry and war on succession had found way when Mr. Ma had “officially announced his desire to “make a bid” (yuanyi shi) for the post of Party President “in order to reform the Party, to continue on the path of collaboration with the People First Party (PFP), and to rally the coalition forces” (1). The news persistence in Taiwan’s political scene had raised legislative and public evaluation of the leaders based on their preference. Wang ran against Ma and though an influential political figure, suffered a defeat in leadership; it’s described as the origin of acrimony between the two in attempt to thwart each other’s political ambition (SCMP scmp.com). However, based on his former experiences and contribution to legislature, Wang may have lost the leadership of KMT, but managed to gather sufficient legislative (both from KMT and opposition) support and Taiwanese followers. His image in the public and politic remained strong and tactical, which contributed to his rise in speaker position. Attempts were made to maintain the relationship in KMT over the years, but no doubt Wang’s aspiration of Taiwan’s presidency was on the edge. 3.3 Attempt to run for 2008 elections Still in the realm of political affairs, Wang and Ma had pointed out in the society as possible presidential candidates during 2008 under KTM party. While Mr. Ma was openly nominated as the presidential candidate from the party, Mr. Wang rejected to be his running mate. However his political attitude and most interviews he was called upon did demonstrate his desire for the candidacy. Keenly to defend his position he criticized certain abilities of the president Ma before he came into office. According to China Post, openly challenging Mr. Ma in an interview, Mr. Wang said that he could not endorse Ma’s legal clearance in the ‘special fund’ case and that ‘indigenous consciousness’ had gradually emerged as a vital issue in the 2008 presidential election” both in the south and central where most Taiwanese were against election of a mainland’s presidential candidate (chinapost.com). Despite been a political perspective, the statement would greatly discredit Mr. Ma in public scene, all which revealed their existing difference and root of conflicts. 3.4 Out legislation of Mr. Wang The previous judicial peddling case has recently influenced conflicts within the party, but this time emanating from the president’s quick move to condemn and expel Mr. Wang. The latter is the current speaker of the parliament and has immersed politicians’ supports. Following a decade’s old case of the legislator Ker Chien Min (under DPP), who was previously acquitted of embezzlement charges, it was allegedly told that Wang had interfered with investigations by asking two officials (Mr. Tseng and Chen) to convince the prosecutor not to appeal against the ruling made for the DPP’s official (Chan wsws.org). Mr. Wang, though out of Taiwan denied the charges based on obstruction of justice. Despite the accusation on Mr. Wang, the president had already employed one tactical approach by ordering wiretapping of Mr. Wang’s communication to obtain evidence of his interference with justice. No doubt Mr. Wang had previously employed tactical methods to help other legislatures (both DPP and KMT) legally and as favors in political affairs (Chu 12). President’s Ma’s regime is argued to have increased wiretaps by 70 percent since he came to power; the incident of secretly wiretapping conversation between legislature Ker and the speaker (Mr. Wang) openly brought forth the issue of illegal wiretapping and violation of Communication security and surveillance Act (Chang taipeitimes.com). There was fear that other legislators’ communication had been secretly wiretapped at the order of the president, making majority of them to sympathize with Mr. Wang. To worsen the conflict, KMT’s central evaluation and disciplinary committee at the behest of the president revoked Wang’s membership of KMT’s party implying his removal as a legislature (FAPA 2013). Mr. Wang did finally manage to block Ma’s move through a court injunction allowing him to continue serving under the party and in the legislature. Most legislatures and the public were agitated by the issue, which appeared as the president’s abuse of power to discredit his rival. On a contrasting point, Mr. Wang has since gathered massive support as the president’s popularity reduced and his image tampered. Some of the president’s attempts to ratify certain policies like Service Trade Agreement (STA) have been blamed on Mr. Wang’s reluctance irrespective of lobbying on LY member’s (Chang 309). Political conflicts in KMT party have since been publically noted and demonstrate the increasing split of the party at the executive level. These conflicts apparently serve to weaken KMT’s party and provide opportunities for DPP and other oppositional parties to reorganize and achieve competitive advantage. New politicians will keep emerging and older guards will be forced to retire over time. KMT party has to rebuild its reputation from management to government operations and realign its agenda’s with the needs of Taiwan society if it needs to stay relevant in the modern era. Taiwan has evolved legally, economically, politically and socially to be in a position freely join cooperative agreements it sees fit, without coercion. Only through democracy can it be able to forge relations with neighboring countries and engaging in cooperative agreements to steer Taiwan’s political, social and economic atmosphere. Works Cited Castells, M. The Power of Identity: The Information Age: Economy, Society, and Culture Volume II. 2nd ed. New York: John Wiley &Sons, 1997. Print. 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