Does Africa Benefit from Chinas Foreign Policy - Essay Example

and Number of the Teacher’s Does Africa Benefit from China’s Foreign Policy? Following Africa’s colonization and neo-colonization by Europe and the United States, Western interest in the continent declined due to the latter’s internal conflicts and low level of economic development despite financial aid. On the other hand, China with its own developmental agenda, established its presence in African countries for the latter’s rich oil resources, minerals and raw materials. China also took control of African economy and politics, thus becoming the new neo-imperialist power in Africa. Moreover, “China’s phenomenal economic growth has seen the country rise to world leadership status” (Muekalia 5). China’s distinctive position in the community of nations, as a part of the United Nations Security Council, enables it to extend its reach over both the developing world as well as the developed nations. Over the last six decades, China has changed its foreign policy from using confrontational measures to employing cooperation, economic development and international engagement. Capitalizing on its linkage with the developing world, China has strengthened its relations with Africa through trade and cooperation. It is argued that China sees Africa as a partner in fulfilling its own strategic goals of energy, trade and geopolitical interests. However, leaders of African countries eager to initiate and benefit from their country’s developmental projects, accorded China control over their own countries’ politics and economic sectors. As a result of this, and also due to Chinese self-interests, China has established itself as the new neo-imperialist power in Africa (Muekalia 5). Africa’s plans for economic progress and need for development may oppose those of China; however, Africa must determine and implement appropriate methods to utilize its growing relationship with China, to successfully work to its own advantage (Edoho 103). China is an ambitious developing power, looking for markets and influence. It found the perfect match in Africa with its rich resources and few investors, but a weak economy with poverty and rampant corruption by those in power. Thus, China surpassed Britain and France, and became the second largest trading partner with Africa after the United States, overtaking the latter by the year 2010. Between 2008 and 2011, the Export-Import Bank of China, the Chinese government’s main source of foreign investment funds spent $20 billion in Africa, which is approximately the same as the amount the entire World Bank spent there in the same period. The partnership has appeared to be beneficial for both the Chinese and the Africans. While China gained access to the oil, copper, uranium, cobalt, and wood to fuel its booming industrial revolution in its homeland, Africa finally saw “the completion of the roads, schools, and other keys to development that it desperately needs” (Michel 39). Most analysts predict increasing progress on the same lines, in the future. China has the opportunity to transform the Africa extensively through assuming a leadership position in the continent. It has the basic but reliable technology, capability to move thousands of workers to building sites anywhere, and vast foreign-cash reserves. China’s credibility for the task is reinforced by its own background of creating a true economic miracle in its homeland; hence more than any other country, it should be able to achieve successful development where the rest of the world has failed (Michel 39). Africa’s need for development and democracy and China’s need for resources and wealth have created tensions; however, oil is the one sector where the interests of both regions synchronize together. Chinese investment is maximum in Africa’s oil producing countries. More than the African oil that China buys at market price making up 20 percent of its imports, the oil that the latter produces in the continent is more important. Because of Chinese companies lacking expertise in deep offshore oil production, the “only real success that the Chinese have had with oil in Africa has come in Sudan” (Michel 45) which was deserted by international companies in the 1980s because of civil war and United States sanctions. With China’s help, Sudan has been able to export oil, and has consequently experienced a great economic boom. Significantly, although oil is a major and obvious source of Chinese interest in Africa, it is not the only one. Other natural resources of Africa which are of interest to China include copper, bauxite, uranium, aluminium, manganese and iron ore. Further, Chinese textiles and clothing companies are investing extensively in Africa, while there is increasing political engagement of China with the continent. However, the Western capitals are the most concerned with China’s oil quest. Chinese oil diplomacy in Africa has two main objectives. These include the short term goal of securing oil supplies to feed the growing demand in China, and the long term goal of positioning China as a global player in the international oil market. The strategy used by Beijing in oil diplomacy is to intensively pursue the above goals while simultaneously playing on African leaders’ historic suspicion of western intentions (Taylor 938). The evidence from research indicates that the ostensible beneficial effects and influence of China in Africa are found to be untrue. The former is beginning to encounter the same impediments the West had confronted in Africa for several years. These include the continent’s financial and political corruption, political instability, lack of interest, resistance from the local population, and a difficult climate. Hence, many of the profitable contracts signed by the Chinese throughout Africa have been cancelled. For example, cheap sneakers sent into Africa by the Chinese by the shipload “are infuriating the local manufacturers and storeowners they undercut” (Michel 39). The Chinese’s lenient approach to workers’ rights is causing opposition. Moreover, China is unlike its Western counterparts in attempting to function in a region that has a greater prevalence of democracy compared to its own country. Africa has experienced more poverty than profits, consequently China may be just another investor facing the same problems, inefficiencies and frustrations that every other global power has faced in Africa. If this is true, for Africa the Chinese ‘miracle’ may be only another lost opportunity. The leaders of African countries are suspicious of criticism of their regimes, particularly their domestic governance, based on the western norms of human rights and liberal democracy. China takes advantage of this suspicion, emphasizing human rights such as ‘economic rights’ and ‘rights of subsistence’ to be the main priority of developing nations including Africa, and that these are more important as compared to personal, individual rights as conceptualized in the West (Taylor 939). Most African leaders share these views expressed by China, thus strengthening their mutual cooperation. On the other hand, the current approach adopted by Beijing is one of legitimizing human rights abuses and undemocratic practices in Africa, disguised as complying with state sovereignty and non-interference (Taylor 958). Thus, Chinese-African cooperation remains constricted by the asymmetric nature of their association and Africa’s shift in approach towards issues pertaining to humanitarian intervention. Significantly, however, China is the largest contributor among all the permanent members of the United Nations Security Council to peacekeeping operations, and the majority of Chinese peacekeepers are based in Africa (Alden 26). As compared to 550,000 Chinese nationals in Africa, there are 100,000 French citizens and 70,000 Americans. Most African governments welcome China’s interest in the continent; and African leaders have handed over the governmental responsibilities of public office to China, attempting to gain profits from development projects related to housing, hospitals, schools, highways, dams, etc. Massive projects bring to the forefront the competing interests of Chinese-African cooperation. For example, the dam built at Imboulou in Congo is officially a great success, doubling national electricity production by 2009. Earlier, the World Bank had not financed the project deeming Africa as too far in debt to repay the expenditure. However, China dedicated $280 million in 2002 for the purpose, which Congo is to repay in oil. In Angola, which is considered as China’s most spectacular success in Africa, China’s commitment is being questioned (Michel 39). Although China may be “a willing partner to many of the regimes and countries the rest of the world will not touch” (Michel 42), Africa is not always satisfied with the former. Luanda’s progress due to earlier help from the Chinese has strengthened its economy to the extent that it now avoids getting trapped in a relationship with China which is seen as voracious and demanding. Consequently, some oil projects are awarded to American and French firms. Like Angola, Nigeria has cancelled oil agreements with China, and Guinea called off financial aid from China for a bauxite mine, aluminium refinery and a hydroelectric dam. Sometimes, African rulers have made spectacular announcements about Chinese contracts for the purpose of frightening Western partners into offering better terms. Zambia has the most intense anti-Chinese sentiments. China is being increasingly criticized by local populations in developing countries, particularly in Africa for its economic policies and political principles supporting brutal dictatorships. Further, they are found to benefit Chinese businesses and the country’s workers imported to Africa, with no advantages for the local citizens. Although Africans appreciate China’s contribution of hospitals, schools, roads, and other infrastructure projects to their developing country, they are unhappy about “poor treatment of local labour, disregard for environmental degradation that often results from Chinese investments and the shoddy construction by Chinese firms” (Mitchell 121). Moreover, competition from low-quality Chinese imports harms local industries. Chinese neocolonialism and thirst for natural resources is predicted to reduce Africa to an economy based on resource extraction. The healthier and more sustainable development of manufacturing and light industry has to be achieved for Africa to experience economic progress. Further, “China’s yuan peg to the U.S. dollar has been cited by some Southeast Asian observers as undermining the competitiveness of developing country exports” (Mitchell 121). From these arguments, it is concluded that Africa benefits only to a limited extent from China’s foreign policy. Works Cited Alden, Chris. China in Africa, Zed Books: London. 2007. Boateng, EA 1978, A Political Geography of Africa, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, England. Edoho, Felix M. “Globalization and Marginalization of Africa: Contextualization of China-Africa Relations”, Africa Today 58.1 (2011), 103-124. Michel, Serge. “When China Met Africa”. Foreign Policy 166 (2008), 38-46. Mitchell, Derek J. “China and the Developing World”. 2008. Retrieved from: http://csis.org/files/media/csis/pubs/090212_06china_developing.pdf Muekalia, Domingos J. “Africa and China’s Strategic Partnership”, African Security Review 13.1 (2004), 5-11. Taylor, Ian. “China’s Oil Diplomacy in Africa’, International Affairs 82.5 (2006), 937-959. Read More