Domestic Violence towards Women Immigrant Workers in Lebanon - Research Paper Example

Domestic Violence towards Women Immigrant Workers in Lebanon Immigrant workers have long been the target of various kinds of abuses. With such an unfortunate reality, reports of immigrant domestic workers being physically, sexually, and emotionally abused have been reported in the media. Reports of Filipina domestic helpers in Singapore of Hong Kong being physically abused by their employers have all too often been reported; and sexual abuse has also been common among domestic workers in the Middle Eastern countries. Some of these reports have also been seen in Lebanon, with incidents like physical and sexual abuses being the more commonly reported incidents. This paper will discuss domestic violence towards women immigrant workers in Lebanon. It shall clarify issues including the actual number of workers being abused and violated on an annual basis in Lebanon. A discussion on whether or not it is common for domestic workers to be abused orally or physically. It shall also discuss whether domestic violence is usually gender-based and whether or not domestic violence is based on power and control and not just conflict or anger. It shall discuss whether or not battered women are often blamed for the violence. A discussion on the possible motivations, including economic motives for battered women in staying with their abuser will also be considered in this essay. This essay is being carried out in order to establish clearly the picture of domestic violence of foreign immigrant women in Lebanon, including its essential details, causes, and possible solutions. There are thousands of foreign domestic workers in Lebanon. About 200,000 of these workers are employed from countries like Ethiopia, Philippines, Sri Lanka, and Nepal. Originally, domestic helpers hired in Lebanon were Lebanese women, mostly those from poor families in the rural towns; some were Palestine women in Lebanese refugee camps; others were from nearby Arab countries like Syria and Egypt (Human Rights Watch, p. 14). In the early 1970s, Filipinas started to stream into the country, Sri Lankans soon followed in the late 70s; however, the stronger and steadier flow of Asian and African domestic helpers grew in earnest in the early 1990s after the end of the Lebanese Civil War (Human Rights Watch, p. 14). These migrant domestic workers soon became the preferred workers mostly because of their cheap wage rates, their reputation for being relatively submissive, and because of the continued tension among the Lebanese, Syrians, and Palestinians (Human Rights Watch, p. 14). The heavy stream of domestic workers into Lebanon also reduced the social status of domestic workers, portraying them with negative racial connotations and qualities which were considered as less attractive than Arab or Lebanese women. With the higher status for Lebanese families employing domestic workers, the rates of influx increased even further. In 2009 alone, about 114,000 work permits were issued to migrant domestic workers; however, these figures may actually be higher because of many undocumented workers getting into the country. A closer and more accurate estimate is at 200,000 migrant domestic workers in Lebanon (Moukarbel, p. 33). Migrant domestic workers in Lebanon are highly vulnerable to abuse because they are not legally protected by Lebanese labor policies; and their immigration policies are also supported by sponsor-based visas which often bind these workers to their employers for the duration of their contract (Human Rights Watch, p. 21). These migrant domestic workers are also not allowed to change employers unless a release waiver is signed and notarized, and is allowed by the Lebanese officials (Human Rights Watch, p. 21). Under this arrangement, the employers are winners and the migrant domestic workers are at the losing end because it is easy for the employers to abuse the legal policy and to force workers to continue working under unfavorable working conditions and to refuse to grant such a waiver. Incidents of abuse of these migrant domestic helpers in Lebanon have become a usual part of their daily news reports. Monitoring carried out by the Human Rights Watch (p. 21) revealed thousands of complaints from migrant domestic workers, mostly expressing abuse from their employers, including the non-payment of their salaries, long working hours, forced confinement in their workplace, no time or days off, unfavorable living conditions, sexual abuse, physical abuse, verbal abuse, and the confiscation of their identity and travel documents. The Human Rights Watch reports that about one third of foreign domestic workers in Lebanon are denied their time off and about 50% of them work for at least 10 hours in a day (Sterns). In an International Labor Organization survey of Sri Lankan domestic workers in Lebanon, about 88% were not allowed any time off, and almost 30% of these workers expressed that they were often not given enough food to eat (Sterns). In recent years, these incidents of abuse have continued to rise and there seems to be no clear solution for this issue. Moreover, these continued incidents seem to be reflected in the fact about one domestic worker dies each week in Lebanon, and most of these deaths are thru suicide (Migrant Rights). One of the major abuses discovered against migrant domestic workers in Lebanon are their unpaid and underpaid wages (Human Rights Watch, p. 21). Domestic workers often complain that their employers often make the excuse of keeping their salaries for them, but actually not giving it to them when they need or ask for it. Majority of the complaints from domestic workers in Lebanon involve unpaid wages (Moukarbel, p. 33). Unpaid wages is also the main reason for these migrant domestic workers’ leaving and wanting to change employers (Moukarbel, p. 33). The employers often argue that if they would pay their domestic workers, these workers would likely leave their employ without seeking their permission. The fact that authorities are often unsympathetic to reports by migrant domestic workers on their unpaid wages also exacerbates the abuse (Moukarbel, p. 30). Another abuse which these migrant domestic workers are being faced with is the confiscation of their passports or their identification cards, and their forced confinement and restricted forms of communication (Human Rights Watch, p. 22). The passports of majority of domestic workers are usually being held or kept by their employers. Many of these workers also go through periods of confinement in their employer’s home, especially when their employers would leave the house (Chang, p. 15). Some of them were locked inside the house or inside a room as a means of confining them to the house and as a form of punishment. These migrant domestic workers also do not have an interactive social life as their social activities are controlled by their employers and they are often totally prevented from interacting with their friends or family (Chang, p. 15). Many of these workers are also humiliated in public (De Beijl, p. 14). Some employers have also been known to cut their migrant domestic worker’s hair. Employers defend their actions by claiming that they also need to protect their own households against the domestic workers who may steal from them or who may allow others to steal from them (De Beijl, p. 13). Some of them also declare that they are merely protecting their investment as they had to pay the high cost of recruitment in order to hire the workers. Migrant domestic workers also suffer from heavy workloads. They are forced to work very early in the morning and very late at night with hardly any breaks for lunch or for any other necessities (Jureidini and Moukarbel, p. 3). Their compensation is also not based on these hours they worked as they are underpaid and in some instances unpaid for working these long hours. These workers also complain because of their very poor living conditions. Some of them are not even allocated rooms and if they are, these are cramped and unsanitary areas (Jureidini and Moukarbel, p. 4). They also receive inadequate sustenance from their employers. Some eat only once in a day, and their food is often different from what their employers are eating; in fact, some of them are fed leftovers and are often not even allowed to eat unless they are really hungry (Jureidini and Moukarbel, p. 3). These workers also report physical, psychological, and sexual abuse from their employers. Their employers often yell at them, curse at them and humiliate them in public (McMurray, p. 16). They are threatened with physical harm and sometimes called derogatory names if they did not follow their employer’s orders or if they made mistakes. Many of these migrant domestic workers are hit, slapped, pushed, kicked, and had things thrown at them whenever they made mistakes (McMurray, p. 16). Most of the abuses are by their female employers with abusive acts like slapping, hair pulling, hitting with an object, or being pushed into a wall. Many of these workers suffer bruises, fractures, sprained, strains, cuts, scrapes, and similar injuries and after which they are often expected to get back to work without having their injuries treated or without any time given for full recovery (McMurray, p. 16). Sexual abuse and harassment is also a common issue among migrant domestic workers. Sexually abusive acts include: groping, undressing in front of them, showing pornographic images to them, and being kissed by their employers (Human Rights Watch, p. 24). Sexual advances and propositions are also common. Many of these workers have also been raped by their male employers. They are also too afraid to report these incidents to the authorities because they are threatened by their employers. Moreover, when the workers report these incidents to their agencies, these agencies often blame them for the incidents or do not bother to press charges for the abusive acts (Human Rights Watch, p. 24). Aside from employers being the most likely cause of abuse, the labor agencies themselves have also been a common perpetrator of abuse. These agencies often entice the workers with promises of high salary and of favorable working conditions (Human Rights Watch, p. 24). In the end, these terms are either an exaggeration or are not true at all. Some agency owners are also known to perpetuate abuses on migrant domestic workers, sometimes physically harming them or forcing them to endure deplorable work conditions by alleging that the workers owed the agency thousands of dollars in recruitment fees (Human Rights Watch, p. 24). The migrant domestic workers in Lebanon are mostly women from Sri Lanka, Philippines, India, and Africa (Jureidini, p. 65). Most of the male foreign workers are working in non-domestic work, including construction, farming, garbage collection, repair, maintenance, and transport. Women domestic workers have the worst working conditions in Lebanon. One of elements impacting on the working conditions of domestic workers is the fact that there is often no formal written contract undertaken between the parties (Jureidini, p. 66). Without any written contract, the necessary working conditions are not secured and the length of contract may be changed easily by the employer. Many of these women therefore are working illegally in Lebanon; moreover, some of them do not even have any work or residence permits. These women are also not aware of their rights and if they are aware of these rights, they do not have the means to file any legal complaints; furthermore, since they are in the country illegally they dare not risk deportation by reporting abuses in their workplace (Jureidini, p. 66). Wages for foreign domestic workers are also radically different, and are often based on the worker’s country of origin (Jureidini, p. 67). The rate is higher for Filipinos, about $250-300 because they speak English and are considered more intelligent. Those who work freelance receive even more because they can work more jobs (Jureidini, p. 66). However, as was discussed above, the wages of these workers are often withheld and their long work hours are often not appropriately remunerated. They often work from nine to 20 hours (Jureidini and Moukarbel, p. 2). They are also considered on-call for 24 hours a day meaning they could be woken at any time by their employer in order to have various tasks done. Most of them also do not have any days off. Under these conditions, the employers are profiting well from the low cost of keeping a domestic worker; and more importantly, they are also benefitting significantly from the labor and the work carried out by the worker. Aside from the low wages and long hours, abuses on migrant domestic workers are also reflected on the type of work actually done by these workers. These migrant domestic workers carry out various household chores including: washing of clothes, ironing, washing of floors, vacuuming, washing out carpets, making the beds, tidying up and picking up after the children, and assisting in meal preparations (Jureidini, p. 67). In many cases, the work and the difficulties that these workers endure is also borne out of the obsessive impulses of employers constantly inspecting and supervising their helper’s work. Where there are some mistakes or with some activities not done according to their specification, the verbal abuse and insults against the domestic workers often follow. In evaluating the situation above, domestic violence acts are generally gender-based because the abuse is often carried out against women (Abu-Habib, p. 52). The abuse can be carried out by either men or women, and if the violence is carried out by the female employer, the basis of the abuse is often supported by physical, but also by economic power. Women are usually the recipients of domestic violence because physically they have long been regarded as the weaker sex (Abu-Habib, p. 53). As female domestic workers are physically unable to protect themselves from their employer’s physical strength, this makes them (as compared to men) more vulnerable to abuse from their employers. Since some female employers may not be able to physically overpower their domestic workers, they can resort to other abusive tools, including verbal and psychological abuse (Abu-Habib, p. 53). For the male employers, their abuse is very much based on physical power and strength. By using their physical power – their hands, their fist, or any other tool of power – they can intimidate the domestic workers and even perpetuate sexual abuse on them (Abu-Habib, p. 54). Domestic violence is based primarily on the need to exert control and power over the workers. It is more than conflict or anger which drives an employer’s abusive actions. In assessing their behavior, their acts of hiding their worker’s documents, of locking their workers in the house or in a room, of controlling their food and the hours that they work are all acts which indicate the need to exert power and control over the workers (Moukarbel, p. 142). Conflict and anger are often present as well, especially when workers commit mistakes, however power and control are the root causes of the conflict and anger and when the domestic worker does not do things the way the employer wants things done, the employer then exerts power and control over the worker by getting angry and getting abusive (Moukarbel, p. 142). Racial prejudice against domestic workers is also another cause for the violence. In the Middle East, the attitude of employers towards their domestic workers is very low; and they believe them to be slaves who have to do their bidding (Moukarbel, p. 143). As such, treating their current stock of domestic workers in abusive ways is a long accepted tradition among these Middle Eastern employers. Blaming the abused worker for the violence is also a common occurrence in instances of domestic violence. The abuse is sometimes blamed on the worker herself and on the fact that she did not follow the employer’s instructions or that she made a mistake in executing the job according to the employer’s instructions (Young, p. 23). The reasons for the abuse in these instances of domestic abuse is being rationalized by the employer based on his or her continued exercise of power and control over the migrant domestic worker. The battered women also stay with their violator mainly because they are being controlled by their employer and also because of their difficult economic situation (Moukarbel, p. 142). Most of these migrant domestic workers are sending their money to their families in their home country. They believe that they have no other ways to provide for their families except to endure unfavorable working conditions (Cohen, p. 507). The power and control being exerted on them by their employers is also a major factor in their decision to stay with their employer. In many instances, they are also often being forced to stay with their employer when they are physically restrained from getting out of the house or when their passports and other documents are being kept by their employers (Cohen, p. 507). With these actions, the workers believe that they would have no other choice but to stay with their abusive employers. In order to resolve the above issues, the major change which has to be undertaken is on major changes in the police policies and procedures in Lebanon (ILO, p. 3). Clear and objective guidelines must be followed by police officers in accepting and addressing reports of abuse. Every incident of abuse must be investigated and the appropriate charges must be brought against proven abusers (ILO, p. 4). A helpline must also be established with the embassies in Lebanon, especially the Sri Lankan, Philippine, and the African embassies because these are the countries where most of the domestic workers come from. These help lines must offer immediate assistance to these workers, removing them from the abusive employer and issuing them new travel documents. This would remove the power and control from the hands of the employer and back into the hands of the worker. When there is no longer leverage from the employer, the worker can make freer choices in her employment (ILO, p. 4). In assessing the above discussion, it is apparent to note that thousands of female migrant domestic workers in Lebanon are being subjected to physical, emotional, psychological, and sexual abuse. Most of these workers come from Sri Lanka, the Philippine islands, and from Africa and have been driven to seek foreign employment due to difficult economic circumstances in their home countries. One of the major issues of abuse among these domestic workers is the fact that the papers and travel documents of these workers are being hidden by their employers. This implies the exercise of control and power over these workers. Power and control are also being exerted when they lock their workers in their homes or when they control their food intake and the number of hours they work. Many women are also being sexually harassed and abused and for the most part the exercise of power and control is gender-based because the abuse is perpetrated over women. Other incidents of abuse further indicate the exercise of control and power over the domestic workers. Proposed solutions include a major revamp in Lebanon’s policies; moreover, the embassies involved must be more vigilant in helping their citizens in order to prevent abuse and to ensure recourse for their grievances. Only with the combined effort of the governments involved can a strong and effective solution to this issue be successfully implemented. Works Cited Abu-Habib, Lina. The Use and Abuse of Female Domestic Workers from Sri Lanka to Lebanon. Gender and Development 6.1 (1998): 52-56. Print. Chang, Grace. Disposable Domestics: Immigrant Women Workers in the Global Economy. Cambridge: South End Press, 2000. Print. Cohen, Robin. The Cambridge Survey of World Migration. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995. Print. De Beijl, Zegers. “Combating Discrimination Against Migrant Workers: International Standards, National Legislation and Voluntary Measures-the Need for a Multi-pronged Strategy.” Seminar on Immigration, Racism and Racial Discrimination. Geneva: Centre for Human Rights, International Migration, International Labour Organization, 1997. Print. Human Rights Watch. “Lebanon Without Protection How the Lebanese Justice System Fails Migrant Domestic Workers.” 2009. Web. 20 May 2012. International Labor Organization. Protecting the Most Vulnerable of Today's Workers, Conditions of Work. Geneva: International Labour Organization, 1988. Print. Jureidini, Ray. “Gender & Migration in Arab States: The Case of Domestic Workers: Women Migrant Domestic Workers in Lebanon”. ILO. 2009. Web. 20 May 2012. Jureidini, Ray. & Moukarbel, Nayla. “Contract Slavery: the Case of Female Sri Lankan Domestic Labour in Lebanon.” Conference on Domestic Service and Mobility: Labour, Livelihoods and Lifestyles. Amsterdam: University of Amsterdam, 2001. Print. McMurray, David. “Recent Trends in Middle Eastern Migration.” Middle East Report 211 (1999): 16-19. Print. Migrant Rights. “Lebanon: Migrant Domestic Workers Dying Every Week”. Migrant Rights.org. 2008. Web. 20 May 2012. Moukarbel, Nayla. “Sri Lankan Housemaids in Lebanon: a Case of 'Symbolic Violence' and 'Everyday Forms of Resistance.” Amsterdam University Press, 20 February 2009. Web. 20 May 2012. Sterns, Olivia. “Spate of suicides by foreign maids in Lebanon sheds light on abuse”. CNN. 2 December 2009. Web. 20 May 2012. Young, Michael. Migrant Workers in Lebanon. Beirut: Lebanese NGO Forum, 2000. Print. Outline: Domestic Violence towards women Immigrant workers in Lebanon Introduction Body Overview of migrant domestic workers in Lebanon Statistics on abuse of migrant domestic workers in Lebanon Forms of abuses of domestic workers Underpayment/unpaid wages Confiscated documents/passports No socialization/public humiliation Long work hours/no days off Abuse from agencies Other forms of abuse Basis for abuse Gender basis for abuse Racial basis for abuse Power and control Proposed solutions Lebanon government Embassies of concerned governments Conclusion Works Cited Read More