Rugby Union and Nationalism in Ireland - Research Paper Example

How Do Rugby Union and Nationalism in Ireland Relate? Introduction The purpose of this research is to explore the complex inter-relationship between sport, culture, and national identity with particular reference to rugby union in Ireland. The platform for discussion is chosen on a case study of rugby union in Ireland since 1945 to shed light by various sources of evidence that can imply and so to help unravel the relationship between rugby union and a specific “nation”—Ireland. Scope of Research Rugby union as a global team sport with a recognized and established World Cup is considered the most significant sporting arena whereby its imagined community of Ireland is turned real (Anderson, 1991). The national identity is the context researched into this temporary union of two politically distinct nations through sport. What the considerations of this context to be explored includes historical accounts of Irish rugby, British media portraits of Irish rugby union, and the views of contemporary international Irish rugby players. The concept of “identity” can be summarized as the deep-rooted subjective feelings and valuations of any group of people who share common experiences and cultural characteristics (Bloom, 1990). Individuals are not tied to one identity but with their multiple and complex personal identities that are continually molded by societal dynamics. National Identity is among these where within its terminology: the nation and feelings of “nationness” are largely articulated through national culture (Schwarz, 1992). A national culture in many ways is composed of a set of competing discourses bound to the actions of specific social groups. Dominant social groups can therefore manufacture identities about “the nation” the public, can relate. Identifications with the nation are deeply anchored in “national history” is continuously narrated through stories, memories, and images. This symbolic historical ritual of narrations is consequently loaded with the “recollection of shared experiences” of a people in the form of an “imagined community” (Anderson, 1983), which gives meaning onto the nation. However, this representation can also become part of a person’s “second nature” and turned “real” for example, through sporting affiliations rather than simply imagined. When considering the relationship between sport and the nation, it has been widely acknowledged that sport and national identity have been closely associated over the past century and a half. Sporting competition arguably provides the primary expression of imagined communities; the nation (at least temporarily) turning real in the domain of sports. (Bale, 1986) states that, “Whether at local, regional or national level, sport is, after war, probably the principal means of collective identification in modern life.” Brief History of Sports and Nationalism of United Kingdom and Republic of Ireland Historically, sporting identities have reflected also the national identities within the United Kingdom and the Republic of Ireland. The “Celtic Fringe” has used sports in various ways as a means of asserting its own national identities. For example, in the late nineteenth century, Irish cultural nationalists, eager to reclaim their cultural identities by forging a new Irish nation, rejected “British” sports and established their own Gaelic games under the arm of Gaelic Athletic Association (Mandle, 1987). Case study: Documents that Relate Rugby Union, National Identity, and Ireland Diffley (1973) and Van Esbeck (1974, 1986, 1999) extensively documented the “story” of Irish rugby and here is a brief overview of the official histories of the relationship between rugby union and national identity in Ireland. Van Esbeck (1974) states that, “the essential physical character of the game is certainly compatible with the essential character of the Irish temperament. . . .” implying present is a special tie between rugby and being Irish. Diffley’s (1973) accounts: The players may . . . play as intensely as teams from any other country but . . . in the hottest and most serious matches one can expect the odd shaft of Celtic wit to keep matters in their proper perspective. Van Esbeck (1986) comments that rugby is starting to gain in popularity across Ireland by the late 1860s. The expansion of the sporting influence of the English public schools, and particularly their former pupils who went on to attend Trinity College (Dublin University) in the second half of the nineteenth century, is seen by Diffley (1973) to have been the key development in the diffusion of organized rugby to Ireland. After the Irish Football Union had been formed by Dubliners in 1874, overlooking those from Belfast, the Northern Football Union was formed in Belfast in response (Diffley, 1973). An agreement was made to support the Irish nation in the first international match the following year. These bodies eventually combine in 1879 to form the single governing body for Irish rugby, the Irish Rugby Football Union (IRFU). This organization continues to promote rugby to the whole of Ireland today. Commenting on the relationship between rugby and politics in Ireland, Diffley (1973) states that, “What rugby football has done for Ireland is to provide a different definition of Irishmen from the acrimonious political one. Rugby survived throughout the provinces of Ireland from the second half of the nineteenth century in spite of strong competition from Gaelic sports like football and hurling. However, as Diffley (1973) reports, it was rugby that was perceived to be tied more closely to the Irish identity. This connection between Irish politics and national habitus was also evident in the IRFU’s involvement in a series of debates over national flags. To resolve this problem, the IRFU commissioned its own flag in 1925. Diffley (1973) refers to the players’ strike in 1954 before the match against Scotland to be played at Ravenhill in Belfast as “perhaps the most closely guarded secret of all in Irish rugby.” Diffley (1973) goes on to explain that: It was a time of rather simplistic attitudes in Irish politics and some of the Southern players held a meeting on the morning of the match and decided that they were not prepared to stand to attention before the game for the British national anthem unless the Irish anthem was also played and the Irish tricolor flown, both of which were illegal north of the border. According to Diffley (1973), the actions, largely behind closed doors, of the IRFU have successfully minimized the risk of (political) disruption to Irish rugby. Since the first international against England in 1875, beating the English has “. . . always been an Irish priority” (Diffley, 1973). The “Golden Years” of Irish rugby (between 1948 and 1951), where only four matches were lost, were characterized by the evolution of a new style of play and the development of two world-class players, Jack Kyle (outside-half) and Karl Mullen (hooker and captain). Irish employed hard, fast and tough forwards as attacking spearheads (Diffley, 1973). Of course, the “harrying” qualities of Irish forward play are also connected with other tactical developments in the game, such as “the Garryowen” (named after the Irish club), where the ball is kicked high and deep, giving the forwards time to charge up to the catcher at full tilt. Throughout the Post-War period, the Irish were characterized by their “swashbuckling,” “rollicking,” “whirlwind” style of play (Diffley, 1973). These are still with the Irish today. They are both a part of how Irish rugby players view themselves and how others view them, and were also highlighted by the media during the Rugby World Cups of 1995 and 1999. In sum, Diffley (1973) provides a useful synopsis of the history and tradition of the Irish style of play: “the fiery Irish had the opposition completely rattled but could not take advantage of the disruption they wrought in the ranks of their opponents. The chances were created but the over-exuberance ensured that they were never seized upon.” The IRFU and the British Media Reports for Irish Rugby as a National Identity With reference to the Official Reports of the IRFU, The Times newspaper, and the British media’s coverage of the 1995 Rugby World Cup, the Irish national rugby habitus is broadcasted by these established and outsider sources. Signifiers of national character, or habitus codes, are not simply imagined but stimulate “mental traffic” that can reawaken sleeping memories and, through the practical actions of people, make the nation more “real” (Tuck, 2003). A feature of all the annual reports of the IRFU provided established reports that focused subjectively on the Union’s assessment of the qualities of the Irish team. From this, it became possible to build up various generalizable long-term national playing styles for the Irish national team. The “Irish” style of play refers to the forwards especially their dynamism and intensity as sourced from the media: It was reported that through their dynamic approach Ireland “. . . practically blew up Scotland . . .” in their encounter in 1950 (IRFU Report of the Committee, 1949/50). Against England in 1993, “. . . the pace, ferocity and concentration of the Irish players together with outstanding play in the loose left the much vaunted England team bewildered . . .” (IRFU Report of the Committee, 1992/93). In relation to history, one is cited “. . . the traditional fire of [their] forefathers . . . showing much more fire in the loose” (IRFU Report of the Committee, 1957/58) and were characterized by “. . . their battering assaults . . .” (IRFU Report of the Committee, 1959) and their “. . . fury and enthusiasm . . .” (IRFU Report of the Committee 1964/65). Peter West, the then Rugby Correspondent to The Times, confirmed the importance of rugby to the Irish when he made reference to the nationalist and religious tensions: Nothing, it is said, so unites the Irish among themselves or with the English as a game of rugby, and the hope must be that for a brief period at Twickenham this afternoon the troublous times across the water can be forgotten (The Times 12 February, 1972). Beard (1998) notes that the most frequently used sporting metaphors are those related to warfare, used to stereotype the “battling qualities” of the Irish. Bale (1986) mentioned sport and war both provide ideal environments for the awakening of the national consciousness— when combined a heady mix of national habitus codes can flow. Irish Rugby Union Players as National Identity Makers The role and perceptions of international rugby players “on the field” provide another way to research national habitus issues in rugby. Rugby union is perceived to have a unique ability in Ireland to transcend political, religious, and social class divisions. Rugby union thus provides one of the few sports in which a united “All-Ireland” can compete on a world stage against other nations. When victorious, the Irish team was seen by the players to generate a sense of national pride in both Northern Ireland and the Republic. Ireland’s Call, the new Irish sporting anthem, sung in English for the first time in the 1995 Rugby World Cup, has sought to promote a unified Irish group charisma with members from both Irish political nations rallying as one, “shoulder to shoulder,” on the rugby field “for the four proud provinces of Ireland.” These lyrics mirror the ways in which the players themselves perceive rugby union as an “All-Ireland” game. “Ireland’s Call” is now played after “The Soldier’s Song” at home games at Lansdowne Road in Dublin whereas, at Twickenham for example, by mutual agreement only “Ireland’s Call” is played (and only IRFU flags are flown to represent the Irish team). Interestingly, players from the 1999 World Cup squad tended to view “Ireland’s Call” as symbolic of Irish rugby and a way of bonding the team together, far more than as a symbol of a unified Ireland. In Summary Views from the rugby players continue to shape the national identity among identities together with historical official and outsourced documentations and media portrayal of the Irish Rugby Union in all its complexities to explore and express this relationship in context. References: Bloom, William. (1990). Personal Identity, National Identity and International Relations. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Schwarz, Bill. (1992). England In Europe: Reflections On National Identity and Cultural Theory. Cultural Studies 6: 198–206. Anderson, Benedict. (1983). Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism. London: Verso. Bale, John. (1986). Sport and National Identity: A Geographical View. British Journal of Sports History 3 (1): 18–41. Diffley, Sean. (1973). The Men in Green: The Story of Irish Rugby. London: Pelham. Van Esbeck, Edmund. (1974). One Hundred Years of Irish Rugby: The Official History of the Irish RFU. Dublin: Gill and Macmillan. 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