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Extract of sample "The U.N Humanitarian intervention in Syria PART 2"
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Article 1 and 2 of the Charter of the United Nations outlines the importance of recognizing the sovereignty of nations and their self-determinacy (Repertoire of the practice of the security council 1). The charter prohibits member states from forcefully intervening in the internal affairs of other states unless they either successfully seek the approval of the UN Security Council or react to protect their borders from external forces. This has played a major role in the humanitarian intervention, or lack of, in Syria. It has offered an obstacle for any nation willing to intervene in order to end the current crisis present in Syria. This restriction also covers the establishment of no fly zones and providing weapons to the rebel forces in Syria (United Nations 1). It is believed that powerful nations with permanent seats in the Security Council have used this provision to scuttle any attempt of intervention in Syria with Russia and China being the key accused.
When the allegations of the use of chemical weapons by the government of Syrian on civilians and rebels in the region of Ghouta on 19 March 2013 surfaced, the United Nations embarked on a fact finding mission and presented a damning report that highlighted the use of sarin on civilians (United Nations 1). Consequently, the UN Security Council during its sittings showed a rare unity and passed Resolution 2118 in an attempt to ensure that the use of chemical weapons on civilians is not repeated. The resolutions demanded the destruction of the chemical weapons and prohibited the manufacture, accumulation and transfer of chemical weapons by Syria. Failure to adhere to the conditions set, the Security Council may impose penalties on Syria as per Chapter VII of the UN Charter (Repertoire of the practice of the Security Council 1).
The United Nations, together with the League of Arab States, has played a key role in the search of a peaceful political solution in Syria.
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America has previously intervened in other crisis like this such as in Egypt and Iraq though Syria’s case has been complicated by failure of China and Russia to adopt a resolution by the United Nation’s Security Council. This paper therefore recommends against military intervention but a diplomatic and politically negotiated solution for the benefit of both Syrians and America. Introduction The uprising in Tunisia ignited the turning point in the leadership of many Arab countries. In what begun within the social media, it is now clear that the uprising in Tunisia was a significant event in the Arab spring. It took only one year since this uprising begun in Tunisia and now Syrians are fighting to overthrow the Damascus regime led...
These abstract definitions, which are often social constructs, become even more problematic when viewed through the lens of legitimate ethical concerns. Does a foreign power have the right to intervene and restore order when the disruption of food supplies results in the starvation of massive numbers of children' Does a world military power have the moral obligation to inflict democracy on a people that are oppressed economically, politically, and socially and do not have the benefit of free elections and choice' These questions have come before the international bodies such as the United Nations (UN) and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in recent years as the Palestinian oppression, the atrocities in Kosovo, and th...
... Resolution, 47:2, 226-248.
Boettcher III, W.A. (2004). Military Intervention Decisions regarding Humanitarian Crises: Framing Induced Risk Behavior. The Journal of Conflict Resolution. 48:3, 331-355.
Carleton, D., Stohl, M. (1985). Foreign Policy of Human Rights: Rhetoric and Reality from Jimmy Carter to Ronald Reagan. Human Rights Quarterly, 7,205-229.
Cronin, B. (2007). The Tension Between Sovereignty and Intervention in the Prevention of Genocide. Human Rights Review 8(4), 24-44.
Farer, T.J. (2005). Cosmopolitan HumanitarianIntervention: A Five-Part Test. International Relations 19. 2, 211-20.
Forsythe, D.P (2000). Human Rights and Comparative Foreign Policy. New York: United Nations University Press.
Heinze, E.A. (2003...
... leaving the country in political turmoil hence the enmity between the two countries.
1. Chomsky, M. Hegemony or Survival: America's Quest for Global Dominance, Holt Paperbacks, 2007
2. Kuperman, A. The Limits of HumanitarianIntervention: Genocide in Rwanda, Brookings Institution Press, 2001
3. Nye, J. Understanding International Conflicts: An Introduction to Theory and History, Longman, 2008
4. Schilling, D. The Battle of Mogadishu: First Hand Accounts from the Men of Task Force Ranger, Presidio Press, 2004...
... typically offered by dominion against involvement. (ZAJMI, 2004, p87). Where a government is unqualified of defending the human rights of a dogmatic or ethno-national lesser or is itself the committer of violations against inhabitants, the use of potency on human rights grounds consider as a legal possibility. (SIMONEN, ALMEIDA & GRIER, 2000, p106).
Those for interventions and those against interventions have accurate variances in terms of whether adequate humanitarian basis for intervention occurred in relation to Kosovo. (SCHNABEL & THAKUR, 2000, p97). More or less anti-interventionists oppose that uncivilized human rights desecrations did not take part in Kosovo until the NATO bombing commenced. As times moves on and more and extra...
...Humanitarianinterventions Four main aspects ought to be deliberated in assessing the sincerity of intervention with regards to humanitarianism:
(i) The presence of humanitarian intentions
(ii) Humanitarian basis for intervention
(iii) Humanitarian methods of intervention
(iv) Humanitarian outcomes.
In 1929, there was an armed conflict in KASOVO that lasted for almost one year four months from February 1998 to June 1999. The war was fought by the forces from Yugoslavia who used to control Kosovo before eruption of the war. There was also help from Kosovo liberation army and NATO and also the Albanian army. KLA started its campaigns in 1995 and they claimed that they sabotaged Kosovo police stations in 1996. They acquired...
... has a duty to respond when genocide is undertaken. The case of Darfur emphatically calls for action and the international community must respond. This duty is a moral one with important ramifications throughout the globe (Butler 227; Weiss 151-152).
Abbott, C. “Rights and Responsibilities: The Dilemmas of HumanitarianIntervention.” Global Dialogue 7.1-2 (2005), 1-14.
Archibugi, D. “Cosmopolitan HumanitarianIntervention is Never Unilateral.” International Relations 19.2 (2005), pp.220-4.
Ayoob, A. “HumanitarianIntervention and State Sovereignty”. International Journal of Human Rights, 6.1 (2002_ , 81-102.
Barry, J. & Thomas, E. The Kosovo Cover-Up. (2000). Newsweek.
The present paper has identified that the machinations of war are extremely complex and what constitutes excessive force in one situation differs from another. The spectrum is so broad that therein also lays the problem of having a definitive framework for the crime of aggression, further compounded by the broad discretion of Article 39 of the Charter, enabling the UN to take necessary measures to restore international peace and security. In turn, this has become central as a justification for UN peacebuilding initiatives post armed conflict (Pritchard, 2001). Furthermore, the complex nature of conflict and changing nature of warfare within the contemporary international framework has raised questions as...
Justification of HumanitarianIntervention in Rwanda
In theory, governments exist to protect the interests of their people. They have a duty, legal and moral, to see that certain basic rights are respected for all of their citizens. Some governments, however, fail to live up to this obligation. The Rwandan genocide and the ethnic cleansing of the Balkans during the 1990’ are but two examples of this (Kuperman, 2004; Newman, 2009). Scholars have long debated the role that other states ought to play in situations such as these. Some theorists support humanitarianintervention, others argue against it because they believe that adding more violence to the situation will not solve anything, and still others argue against...
In terms of understanding the context of this study, humanitarian intervention is defined by NATO as “… an armed intervention in another state without the agreement of that state to address (the threat of) a humanitarian disaster, in particular caused by grave and large scale violations of fundamental human rights” (Centre for Strategic Studies, 2000, pp. 1). The intervention of the United Nations in Libya as well as other locales is provided under Article 94 of its Charter (2011) that states it is the duty of member nations of the organization to comply with its rulings and those of the International Court of Justice regarding obligations as nations to protect the rights of its citizens. In broaching the sub...
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