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IGOs comprised mostly of democratic states will be more effective in reducing the risks of militarized interstate conflict among their members than will other kinds of IGOs. . So densely democratic IGOs have a potentially major role in reducing residual violence between their…
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Multiple Choice Questions Major powers use IGOs to mold the global system and maintain or enhance their own power.
In short, IGOs act as intervening variables between power and world politics (Boehmer, et al. 2004: 6-13).
a) Realism
b) Liberalism
c) Radicalism
d) Constructivism
2. IGOs populated by democratic governments, which are more likely to uphold their commitments, enhance confidence that the institution’s commitment is credible as well.
IGOs comprised mostly of democratic states will be more effective in reducing the risks of militarized interstate conflict among their members than will other kinds of IGOs. ... So densely democratic IGOs have a potentially major role in reducing residual violence between their democratic members, as well as between their less-democratic members (Pevehouse and Russett 2006: 972-973).
a) Realism
b) Liberalism
c) Radicalism
d) Constructivism
3. In the case of post-war US foreign policy, for example, the Cold War representation of international politics constructed a realist world in which we (the US) were the winners of World War II, in which the United States therefore bore the burden of leadership in the free world and was obligated to defend both democracy and freedom. It was a reality in which the US was threatened -- psychologically, politically and militarily -- by the expansion of and aggression from, among others, a totalitarian Soviet Union and the international Communist movement it sponsored (Weldes 1996: 283).
a) Realism
b) Liberalism
c) Radicalism
d) Constructivism
4. Crucial to the following analysis is that the institutional feature which distinguishes democracies from autocracies is the existence of a popularly elected legislature with the capacity to constrain a countrys chief executive. We assume that legislatures are more protectionist than executives in democracies and show that, even so, pairs of democracies are more likely than mixed pairs to liberalize commerce.
We claim that this institutional difference contributes to a greater tendency for pairs of democratic countries to agree upon lower trade barriers than pairs comprised of a democracy and an autocracy (i.e., mixed pairs) (Mansfield, et al. 2000: 304-305).
a) Realism
b) Liberalism
c) Radicalism
d) Constructivism
5. ... Economic polarization is related to the alientation that groups of people feel against each other, and this alienation is enforced by notion of within-group cohesion and identity. ... What matters for conflict ... is rather economic polarization. ... [A] society that is split into two well-defined groups with [differences] in incomes is particularly likely to experience social unrest (Ostby 2008: 146).
a) Realism
b) Liberalism
c) Radicalism
d) Constructivism
6. A fundamental assertion of balance-of-power thought is that large-scale conflict between nations will be avoided when their power is approximately equal, and, conversely, will be more likely between nations that diverge in their power. This assertion is based on the assumption, frequently hidden, that in a conflict between any two nations there is a direct relationship between power and victory, and, other considerations aside, the more powerful nation will prevail (Siverson and Tennefoss 1984: 1057).
a) Realism
b) Liberalism
c) Radicalism
d) Constructivism
7. I suggest that efforts to bridge the digital divide may have the effect of locking developing countries into a new form of dependency on the West. The technologies and regimes (international standards governing [information and communication technologies] ICTs) are designed by developed country entities for developed country conditions. As the developing countries participate in ICTs, they become more vulnerable to the increasing complexity of the hardware and software and to the quasi-monopoloistic power of providers of key ICT services (Wade 2002: 443-444).
a) Realism
b) Liberalism
c) Radicalism
d) Constructivism
8. The construction of threat model claims that the perception of threat is a function of the line drawn between the in-group and the out-group. ... power influences people’s threat perceptions only after identity between the self and the other has been established. If the other is completely unlike the self (i.e., if no shared identity exists), the material balance of power between the self and the other will be a good predictor of threat perception. However, the higher the level of
shared identity between the self and the other, the less threatening the other will appear. In the extreme case in which the other and the self are members of the same in-group, the other will not be seen as a threat regardless of the particular balance of power (Rousseau and Garcia-Retamero 2007: 749-750).
a) Realism
b) Liberalism
c) Radicalism
d) Constructivism
9. We expect a second economic goal of U.S. foreign policy to be the promotion of open markets abroad. We hypothesize that to cultivate investment opportunities for U.S. businesses and to increase the competitiveness of American goods, countries more committed to economic liberalism will receive more U.S. foreign aid. Aid to such countries also can be used to help smooth the transition to open-market economies and diminish the sometimes harsh consequences these changes can mean for some groups. We hypothesize that the more open a nations markets are to the United States, the more likely that state will receive aid and increased levels of assistance, and that the effects of this variable will be stronger in the post-Cold War world (Meernik, et al. 1998: 71).
a) Realism
b) Liberalism
c) Radicalism
d) Constructivism
10. We argue that the play of power politics is an inexorable element of any agreement to open international markets because trade produces security externalities. These externalities arise because ... increased efficiency itself frees economic resources for military uses. ... As a consequence, the real income gains that motivate free trade are also the source of the security externatlities that can either impede or facilitate it (Gowa and Mansfield 1993: 408).
a) Realism
b) Liberalism
c) Radicalism
d) Constructivism
Works Cited
Thinking about world politics: Theory and world. 21-41. Pdf Read More
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