The Evolving of Higher Education in the Learning Society - Term Paper Example

social policy Introduction Education and social policy Education has been particularly significant as an instrument of social policy, in the sense not only of policies for welfare but also as policies intended to deal with the structure of society. The education system has been seen as a means of bringing about social change. In the 19th century, formal education was the privilege of a small minority of the population. Gradually state control increased, and educational provision expanded. But there were powerful obstacles to expansion, and the official orthodoxy for much of this period was that only an elite could benefit from secondary education. However 'secondary education for all' did come about after a fashion under the 1944 Act. Education in Britain as changed greatly since World War II, mainly due to the 1944 Education Act, which made secondary education free and compulsory until the age of 15 years. The views taken of education and its importance in national, economic and political terms have varied a great deal since then with each new government: there have been many good intentions but too few initiatives taken to achieve the ideal system. Unfortunately this means that, unless you are white, male, middle class and non-handicapped, the institution of the school may not be very helpful to your development, and your days at school may be remembered as a time of prejudice, frustration and lost opportunities. The immediate post-war period in Britain constituted a new way of thinking about public and private life. There were many promises heralding a better life for everyone, including the provision of free, compulsory secondary education: public education came to be seen as a 'bastion of national recovery' ( Gosden, 1983). Three types of school were suggested: grammar, technical and secondary modern with grammar schools continuing to be seen as superior and biased towards middle-class boys. The 1959 Crowther Report recommended raising the school leaving age to 16 years, the introduction of comprehensive school and a new exam below GCE level -- however, these moves towards equal opportunities were not completed until the 1970s. Similarly, the 1983 Newsom Report argued that pupils of below average ability should receive a greater share of resources, and recommended improved teacher training. From the 1960s onwards, education was seen more and more in the context of economics an instrument of national interest rather than personal fulfilment. Education became more and more under central (and parental) control in the 1980s -- the 1980 Education Act made it no longer the duty of LEAs to provide free school meals, and introduced parental scrutiny and choice. The second half the 1980s saw a restructuring, and the unashamed acknowledgement that the market was the new cornerstone of education Key aims were now to keep output constant and affordable, to remove LEAs as a source of education policy making, and to replace effectiveness with efficiency. The 1988 Education Act is a set of 'compromises and interventions' (Ball, 1990): it sets out the National Curriculum (fine in principle, but unfair in practice), more power to school governers, and the possibility of 'opting out' of LEA control by individual schools. Another area in which young people are not given the chance to fully develop their potential is that of Special Educational Needs (SEN), defined by the 1988 Education Act as a 'learning difficulty which calls for special educational provision to be made'. Judiciary system The development of education policy in Britain includes concept of 'educational disadvantage' since the 1950s, the comprehensive reorganization of secondary education in the 1960s and 1970s, the change in ideas on education in the 1980s and 1990s, and New Labour's policies. Political ideologies have shaped social policy of United Kingdom since 1945. The political party system, dating from the 17th century, is an essential element in the working constitution. Several parties win seats in Commons, but Great Britain has functioned basically as a two-party system for more than a century. The Opposition leader is paid a salary from public funds for that role. Since the end of World War I, the Conservative Party and the Labor Party have been dominant. The Labour Party, generally socialist until the 1990s when it moved towards the political centre, began a programme of nationalization of selected industries after an overwhelming election victory in May 1945. The Labour government of 1945-51 was significant for reforms of the health, housing, education and social service systems. The consensus started to break in the 1970s as economic stagnation, endemic inflation and a growing trade deficit made it clear that the post-war prescriptions were no longer valid or relevant. It was against this background, and the decline of traditional manufacturing industries, that Margaret Thatcher came to power in 1979. The 1980s were a decade characterised by changes with radical domestic policies of privatisation and deregulation of state-owned industries and public bodies. Thatcher went on to win elections in 1983 and 1987. Labor began a program of nationalization of selected industries after an overwhelming election victory in May 1945; by the mid-1990s, however, the party had abandoned much of its socialist rhetoric to offer a more centrist economic program. The Maastricht agreement of 1992 took European integration far beyond the original conception of a common market, bringing major policies to harmonise legislation in the areas of social policy, immigration, policing and finance. The British were skeptical of some of the elements of the Maastricht package and negotiated exemptions from its provisions. The Conservative Party has favoured private enterprise with increasingly minimal state regulation. After World War II it accepted social programmes, such as the Beveridge Plan for an extensive social-insurance programme. The National Health Service (NHS) continues to draw very broad popular support, and efforts during the 1980s by the Conservative government to reform it so as to reduce costs and introduce market mechanisms met with considerable oppositionThe Conservative party has traditionally favored private enterprise with minimal state regulation. Since World War II, however, it has accepted social programs, such as the Beveridge. Plan for an extensive social-insurance program. The National Health Service continues to draw broad-based political support, despite efforts to reform it so as to reduce costs. The Liberal Party, which provided governments throughout much of the 19th century, began losing electoral support after the formation of the Labour Party. It last formed a government from 1906 to 1915, and was a dominant member of the coalition government formed at the start of World War I. It merged in 1988 with the Social Democratic Party (formed by Labour dissidents) to form the Liberal Democrat Party.The Liberal Party, which provided governments periodically for decades, lost electoral support and merged with dissidents from Labor and the Conservatives to form the Liberal Democrats. Minor parties in the early 2000s included the Scottish Nationalist, Plaid Cymru (Welsh Nationalist), Ulster Unionist, Democratic Unionist, Social and Liberal Democratic, and Sinn Fein. In the general election of 2001, the Labor party won 413 seats, the Conservatives 166, the Liberal Democrats 52, and minor parties 28. The Conservatives unexpectedly won another general election victory in April 1992, though with a reduced majority. The Labour Party, despairing at the prospect of 15 years out of office, launched a major overhaul of its policies and public image under the leadership of a new leader - Tony Blair. By 1997, The 'New Labour' was ready. Although the Blair government has run into difficulties it has been sustained by a steady economic performance. Progress on the main domestic policies emphasized by health and education, has been patchy. Literature Review British Educational system In 19th century, voluntary schools established by charitable and religious organizations came into existence in England and Wales for providing educational benefits to the lower class people. The students of the private schools came mostly from the aristocratic and wealthy classes. The Education Act passed in 1902 abolished the school boards and placed the responsibility for public education in the hands of the councils of local government, known as LEAs (local education authorities). In 1944 Parliament passed an education act that became the basis of public education in England and Wales , The aim of the education study is to provide an outline of data and experiences of minority ethnic communities within early years, primary, secondary, further and higher education and training within the education systems of England, Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland. Each of the local authorities was made responsible for setting up complete facilities The Education Act of 1980 provided for greater representation of parents and teachers on school governing bodies' targeted funds were collected in England to support minority ethnic pupils. In England, the Ethnic Minority Achievement Grant (EMAG) is used to fund English as an additional language teaching, refugee support teachers, as well as projects to raise the achievement of Pakistani, African Caribbean and other commonwealth immigration students. Education was made compulsory for all children between the ages of 5 and 16 by the central government and local authorities accounted for about 13% of total annual expenditures. There was good quality primary educations (ages 5 to 12) free for all and then a notorious barrier called the "qualifying" examination at age 12. Lower scorers went to a "Junior Secondary" school for 3 years, and were expected to then take up a craft or trade apprenticeship, or unskilled employment. Higher scorers went to "Senior Secondary" for 5 years and then took a School Leaving examination. A sixth year was optional. Leavers could try for University, where there was 1 place available for approximately every 22 18-year-olds. Many professional careers which now start with a University degree were then started with a School Leaving Certificate as entry either to a professional apprenticeship, e.g. in accountancy, law, or architecture, or to a three-year diploma course at a technical college, e.g. in pharmacy, engineering, or business studies. Independent secondary schools for the children of the affluent have been part of the British educational system for a couple of centuries. From 1945 to 1960, universities continued to give some unfair preference to them. They are still numerically over-represented among undergraduates, but only because they attract a substantial proportion of the ablest schoolchildren. By comparing like with like, the discrimination is now seen to be minimal. From 1960 onwards there has been a huge increase in the number of universities, much of it by upgrading former technical colleges. Secondary schools are no longer senior and junior, but comprehensive. The minimum school leaving age is 16. In the early 1990s Great Britain had 158158 institutions of higher education, of which 76 had university status. New universities and other higher educational institutions have been founded since World War II, and admissions policies have been broadened Private education The private sector in education has a long and interesting history, particularly with regard to its role in training and socialising an elite. Periodically, there have been attempts to integrate private schools more closely into the maintained (state) sector, the most recent being the Assisted Places Scheme. Gender and ethnic backgrounds Race Relations Amendment Act also places a positive duty on LEAs and schools to eliminate unlawful racial discrimination and thus development of multicultural and antiracist approaches in education took place. The race relations amendment act 2000 passed by the government's legislative forced authorities responsible for education and training to monitor and report on incidences of discrimination, prepare anti-discrimination policies and report on the impact of these policies. The effect of both gender and race (independently, and combined) upon educational outcomes is strong. Until the 1980's girls were considered educationally disadvantaged but recently, there has been much controversy over the fact that girls appear to be 'overtaking' boys in schools. Higher Education. The opportunity to go to university after school has been significantly extended in Britain since the Second World War. Participation in higher education has been shown to improve an individual's skills, employability and accumulated lifetime earnings. During the 1960s there was a significant increase in the number of new universities, reflecting a rapid growth in student numbers which was made possible by an expansion in grant facilities. During the 1980s, an expansion in higher education places led to another large jump in student numbers. In 2001-2002 there were over 2.24 million students in full- or part-time higher education in Great Britain, compared with just under 850,000 a decade earlier. By 1995 over 47 per cent of 16- to 24-year olds were undertaking some form of higher education in the United Kingdom and by 2001 more than 18 per cent of the population had achieved a degree-level (or equivalent) educational qualification Labour government policy The threefold aim of the government policy is higher standards, greater social inclusion and economic relevance. As soon as Labour was elected, The learning age (1997) sought to remove barriers to participation through Individual Learning Accounts and through improved guidance and information A major aim of policy has been to increase participation and retention, especially of the rather long tail of young people who leave education and training opportunities as soon as possible. Many join the ranks of the NEETs (Not in Education, Employment or Training. Higher standards Following the 1997 White Paper, Excellence in schools, a Standards Task Force was established as well as a Standards and Effectiveness Economic relevance There has been a prolific output of policy documents concerning the 'skills revolution', in particular, the need to provide a more skilled workforce through a transformed educational and training system. Many of the reforms which the government has put in place can be assessed only in the long term-for example, the establishment of such agencies as the Leaning and Skills Council and the Sector Skills Councils, or the creation of a more unified framework of qualifications, or the steps taken to increase participation and retention in different forms of education and training, or the creation of a better trained work force. The evidence so far is mixed. The state of mathematics education and levels of numeracy are a matter of grave concern. There remains a large minority of young people unaffected by the measures taken to engage them in education and training. Work based learning remains patchy in quality, although improving. There are clear tensions in policy between the advocacy of co-operation and partnership, on the one hand, and policies which create fragmentation and competition, on the other. The development of further institutions under different regulations and funding arrangements exacerbates the inequality of status and opportunity. And, finally, there is an absence of debate on the broader aims of education, of an historical grasp of the issues which have been tackled in several initiatives within the last two or three decades, of the links between the provision of education and training, on the one hand, and deliberation over the kind of society and worthwhile form of life we should be introducing young people to. Hence, so many of the government documents and of the connected discussions are trapped into an impoverished language of skills and qualifications without the deeper consideration of the kind of learning which should be promoted There is no doubting the determination of the Labour government since its election in 1997 to transform the educational and training opportunities for all young people. In its view, far too many exited from the system as soon as they could, thereby being excluded from opportunities which education and training afforded them. Furthermore, the country needed what is often referred to as a highly skilled workforce in a very competitive world. The government brought together a moral drive for greater social inclusion and an economic drive for greater prosperity. There was also a deep concern about the lack of basic skills of literacy, revealed in the Moser Report (1999), and numeracy. Add to that the perceived importance of ICT. There was, therefore, a renewed emphasis at the political level, but also at the very practical level of resources and assessment, upon these three 'key skills'. To achieve these broad aims, quite radical changes were judged to be needed within a much more coherent and integrated progression from the period of compulsory schooling through to further and higher education and training and into employment. What previously had been seen as sharp divisions-between education and work, between pre and post 16, between secondary, further and higher education, between academic and vocational, between those capable of further education and those unable to benefit from further study-were no longer seen to be so. Indeed, the more blurred the division became the more would one be able to provide appropriate opportunities for all-not just for the privileged few. Conclusion A vision for 20 years: the learning society, higher education in the learning society, reflects the vision that informs this report. Over the next 20 years, the United Kingdom must create a society committed to learning throughout life. That commitment will be required from individuals, the state, employers and providers of education and training. Education is life enriching and desirable in its own right. It is fundamental to the achievement of an improved quality of life in the UK. Last year, British Prime Minister Tony Blair launched a campaign to increase the number of international students in the U.K. by 75,000. His stated goal is "to have 25 percent of the global market share of higher education students. "In pursuing that, his government is funding a $7.78 million marketing campaign to develop the U.K. educational brand. In launching the campaign, Blair noted the long term mutual benefits. "People who are educated here have a lasting tie to our country. They promote Britain around the world, helping our trade and our diplomacy. It is easier for our executives and our diplomats to do business with people familiar with Britain." List of References England History. [Online] Available at http://travelpuppy.com/england/history.htm Harvey Thomas. International Educational Policy. [Online] Available at http://www.iie.org/Content/NavigationMenu/Research_and_Resources/Publications3/Field_Papers1/International_Educational_Policy.htm Moser Report (1999) Improving literacy and numeracy: a fresh start (London, DfES). Ball, S. (2004) Participation and Progression in Education and Training14-19: Working Draft Of Ideas, Discussion Paper for Nuffield Review. Ball, C. (1994) Start right: the importance of early learning (London, Royal Society of Arts). Gosden Report. (1983). Education Poicy. Gallay S. (2001) History of United Kingdom.London.17- 159 Social policy in the UK. [Online] Available at http://www2.rgu.ac.uk/publicpolicy/introduction/uk.htm United Kingdom. [Online] Available at http://uk.encarta.msn.com/encyclopedia_761553483_4/United_Kingdom.html Read More