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Bringing Gods Message to the Gentiles - Essay Example

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The paper "Bringing God’s Message to the Gentiles" traces the beginning of Paul’s missionary work as presented in the book of Acts, Pail’s letters, as well as viewed by scholars in the field. Section one examines the scholarly attempts at establishing the facts about Paul’s missionary work…
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of …. The Faculty of … This research traces the beginning of Paul’s missionary work as presented in the book of Acts, Pail’s letters, as well as viewed by the scholars in the field. The paper argues that Paul’s first missionary journey represents a qualitatively new initiative that changed the geographical and social scope of the Christian movement and laid the foundations of the Christian community as we know it today. The paper consists of three sections, besides the introductory and the concluding ones, each dealing with different aspects of the subject, as follows: Section one examines the scholarly attempts at establishing the facts about Paul’s missionary work; Section two follows the events that brought about, and took place during, Paul’s first missionary journey; The third section deals with the implications for the Church. Table of Contents Introduction 2 Dating Issues 5 Bringing God’s Message to the Gentiles 9 Implications for the Church 19 Conclusion 20 Bibliography 21 Introduction Paul was born in Tarsus as Saul1, into a devout Jewish family that brought him up “a member of the people of Israel, a Hebrew...; as to the law, a Pharisee”23. By that time, Tarsus was the metropolis of Cilicia, which had been administered by the governor of the Roman province of Syria4. There is a little mention of the city of Tarsus in the scriptures5; however, having been written about the time of Paul, Strabo’s Geography presents a more detailed account of the issue, stating that the city of Tarsus possessed a flourishing and powerful population, and all kinds of schools of rhetoric6. Another description of Tarsus is given by Flavius Philostratus in his Life of Apollonius, where the city is considered “harsh and strange and little conductive to the philosophic life”, and its citizens nowhere else more addicted to luxury7. From looking at these accounts of Paul’s place of birth, one would envisage an important city, whose self-confident inhabitants lived more or less a comfortable life, in a “proud and virile atmosphere of mental and physical achievement”8. According to Paul’s own words, not only could his family trace their line of descent back to “the tribe of Benjamin”9 – they also adhered very strictly to the way of life regulated by the stipulations of the Jewish law – “circumcised on the eighth day”10 – and maintained close ties with the Jewish community in Palestine11. Some scholars point out that the traditional concept of Paul’s personality could be traced back to the second-century apocryphal Acts of Paul –“Small of stature, balding, bow legs, large eyes, eyebrows meeting, nose slightly hooked”, with appearance “full of grace”, sometimes looking “more like an angel than a man”12. On the other hand, his writings imply a sign of specific weakness – “a thorn was given to me in the flesh”13, which has been variously interpreted in terms of a physical defect, whether epilepsy, leprosy, or even stigmata14. Compelling evidence of Paul’s education is provided throughout his letters, insofar as some of his ideas, theological assertions, and terminology could be paralleled in rabbinic Judaism15; however, an explicit account of the issue is found in Acts of the Apostles – “brought up in this city at the feet of Gamaliel, educated strictly according to our ancestral law”16. On the other hand, the style of Paul’s letters, e.g. literary patterns, hint other educational influences, namely Roman, Hellenistic stoic philosophy, etc.17 The turning point in Paul’s life – from a persecutor of the Church of God to the apostolic commission to preach the word of God to the Gentiles – is widely believed to have taken place during the Damascus episode18. Nevertheless, Paul’s own account in his letter to the Galatians speaks of the continuity of divine action19, which had actually began before his birth – “…God, who had set me apart before I was born and called me through his grace, was pleased to reveal his Son to me, so that I might proclaim him among the Gentiles”20. Dating Issues Traditionally, in scholars’ view, Paul’s first missionary journey around the Eastern Mediterranean is thought to have taken place between 47 and 48 AD, although there is no unanimity about the historical worth of the accounts in Acts of the Apostles21. It is interesting to notice that some authors suggest an earlier year for the start of Paul’s first missionary ministry, i.e. 45 AD, when he and Barnabas set off from Antioch, Syria, to Cyprus; while others, like Schnabel for instance, argue a much earlier beginning of Paul’s missionary work on the whole22. Being based on Luke’s accounts of the issue23 and Paul’s own assertions that he traveled to Arabia before his ministry in Syria and Cilicia24, Schnabel specifies the earliest phase of Paul’s missionary work as of 31 – 32 AD, i.e. the year of his conversion or right after it25. As Court states, the Acts of the Apostles present quite explicit and dramatized descriptions of a series of events26; where Paul’s activity in Damascus is depicted as a proclamation of Jesus among the Jews in the synagogues, and his first visit to Jerusalem after his conversion (about 33-34 AD) – as an attempt to “join the disciples”, which was considerably facilitated by Barnabas27. Moreover, after Barnabas introduced him to the apostles, according to Luke, Paul “went in and out among them in Jerusalem, speaking boldly in the name of the Lord”28. The latter makes Schnabel to allow that Paul was not only a guest of the apostles, but also took part in their missionary activities in Jerusalem29. Inasmuch as Paul’s letters are generally considered the primary source when his own experiences are concerned, his accounts should outweigh that of the others30; so, judging from his Epistle to Galatians, Paul didn’t directly state why he went to Arabia, and appears quite laconic and even secretive about his first visit to Jerusalem31; which is not only admitted by Schnabel32, but also makes his hypothesis more or less speculative. On the other hand, Paul’s departure to Arabia instead of going up to Jerusalem “to those who were already apostles”33, against his Jewish background, speaks more convincingly of certain safety concerns, rather than of theologically or zealousness-inspired missionary goals34. As Hengel and Schwemer point out, an immediate return to the Holy City could have meant severe punishment and even Paul’s death, insofar as his previous compatriots would have seen him as an apostate35; rather, it took him three years before he “did go up to Jerusalem to meet Cephas” (Peter)36. Additionally, being theologically and psychologically unprepared not only for his conversion, but also, and most notably, for an apostolic mission37, Paul might have sought to perceive and reassure himself in this “untimely birth” (ektroma)38 during his trip to Arabia and Damascus; before he would venture even on a stay in Jerusalem to visit Peter and James39, let alone a missionary journey. Once again, Paul’s letters give some, although circumstantial, evidence on the issue – “For I am the least of the apostles, unfit to be called an apostle, because I persecuted the church of God”40; “…I went into the regions of Syria and Cilicia, and I was still unknown by sight to the churches of Judea that are in Christ”41. It is not supposed to mean that Paul was not engaged in the apostolic activity concerned with “proclaiming the faith”42, but rather the opposite is true4344. However one would plausibly presume that the first years after his conversion – which is not strictly limited to the experience on the road to Damascus45 - Paul was undergoing a kind of discipleship, since, in contrast to the other apostles, he lacked the experience of living nearby and learning directly from Jesus Christ. In a nutshell, it was not before Paul’s second visit to Jerusalem (around 44-46 AD), aka the famine relief visit, and presumed consultation with Peter, when Paul embarked on his first true missionary journey, namely to Cyprus and South Galatia, bringing the gospel, along with the relief gifts from the church in Antioch, to the Christians living there4647. Bringing God’s Message to the Gentiles Paul’s letters shed light on an important episode during his second visit to Jerusalem, which is not only indicative of the enhancing position of Paul in the Christian movement by that time, but also confirmed the direction of his missionary efforts afterwards. In the Epistle to Galatians, Paul describes a “private meeting with the acknowledged leaders”48, indirectly telling the audience that those were not the apostles; as Schnabel points out, the leadership of the Jerusalem church had already been transferred to a group of Jewish believers (described as elders)49, following the persecution of the church leaders by Herod Agrippa I and the forced departure of the apostles around 41 – 42 AD50. Whether Peter, or someone else of the apostles, was present in Jerusalem at this particular point of time, or not, is difficult to be established with any certainty51. However, two important issues emerge from Paul’s letters and the parallel accounts in the book of Acts in regard to that meeting. The first is that there had been an existing agreement between the apostles, according to which Paul was entrusted “with the gospel for the uncircumcised, just as Peter had been entrusted with the gospel for the circumcised”52, which was re-confirmed after some discussion with “the apostles and the elders”53. The second is the appearance of another close associate of Paul – an uncircumcised Greek Christian, Titus – who, along with Barnabas, accompanied him to Jerusalem54. While the former issue allowed much room for interpretations, whether in terms of divided areas of missionary responsibility between Peter and Paul, a division along ethnic lines, or a complementary relationship55, the latter could be seen as a token of Paul’s “panoramic perspective of the geographical setting of Christianity within the context of the Mediterranean world”56, and more or less a portent of the new “alternative” community – “There is no longer Jew or Greek…for of you are one in Christ Jesus”57. Insofar as the “consultation” in Jerusalem sought to settle some pending questions of great theological importance such as the characterization of Christianity and its relation to Judaism, besides the problem of the day, i.e. the famine relief, Paul took Titus with him presumably to reinforce his vision and way of preaching the gospel – “Then I laid before them… the gospel that I proclaim among the Gentiles… even Titus, who was with me, was not compelled to be circumcised, though he was a Greek”58. Nevertheless, Paul consulted with “the apostles and the elders”59 about this question, in order to make sure that he “was not running, or had not run, in vain”60. One more thing need some mention here: Paul appears much more confident than before, declaring himself an apostle – “for he who worked through Peter making him an apostle to the circumcised also worked through me in sending me to the Gentiles”61. Thus, having leaned on the highest possible authority – that of Christ – as well as on the “acknowledged pillars”, James, Peter and John, who “recognized the grace that had been given to me”62, Paul simultaneously assumed equal status and shared responsibilities with the apostles, on fellowship-grounded terms however, which actually indicated his readiness to be entrusted with a major missionary initiative. Such an initiative appeared the work Paul and Barnabas had been tasked with – according to Luke’s account in the book of Acts – by the Holly Spirit, through the church at Antioch63, namely to engage in missionary work on the island of Cyprus and in several cities in Pamphylia and South Galatia64. Thus, being accompanied by John Mark, Paul and Barnabas left Antioch, then went down to port city of Seleucia and sailed to the city of Salamis on the eastern coast of Cyprus65. As seen from above, Paul had already had certain experience of proclaiming the gospel, while his co-worker, Barnabas, a native Cypriot and Levite, was perhaps even more experienced – with presumably some ten years of missionary activity – who had previously been appointed by the church leaders in Jerusalem to consolidate the missionary work and the growth of the church in Antioch; and who, having recognized Paul’s expertise and zeal, introduced him to the leadership of the Jerusalem church66. All that speaks of the real importance attached to their mission, insofar as two prominent “teachers and preachers”67 were to leave the Antioch church in times that were anything but easy for the fledgling Christian community. Luke’s account of their mission is focused on two cities, namely Salamis – where Paul and Barnabas “proclaimed the word of God in the synagogues of Jews”68, assisted by John Mark – and Paphos, where they met a Jewish “false prophet” – perhaps a court astrologer of the province governor, Sergius Paulus – named Bar-Jesus or Elymas69. However, having mentioned that Paul and Barnabas “had gone through the whole island”, Luke probably meant that they also preached in the major cities along the southern road, i.e. Kition, Amathus and Kourion70. As for the episode in Paphos, the intention of Sergius Paulus to “hear the word of God”71 clashed the Jewish Christian missionaries with the Jewish astrologer who obviously attempted to prevent the Roman governor from considering, and more importantly embracing the gospel, either fearing for his own position, or worrying about his religious purity72. Whatever the reason, Elymas had been struck by temporary blindness when Paul called down the divine punishment on him – “Immediately mist and darkness came over him”73 – which astonished the Roman governor and made him believe in the teaching about the Lord74. Nevertheless, a suggestion goes that the proconsul, i.e. Sergius Paulus, had not become a Christian convert insofar as there is no mention of baptism whatsoever; some authors attribute the cause for not baptizing Sergius Paulus to his political status, despite his sympathy 75. As a matter of fact, Luke does not mention baptism within Acts 13-14, which, if consistently applied, would mean that nobody – both on Cyprus and in southern Galatia – was converted to Christianity during that missionary effort of Paul and Barnabas76. On the other hand, since Paul and Barnabas “made many disciples” and “appointed elders for them in each church”77 during their stay in Lystra, Derbe, Iconium, Antioch, etc., and given the large audience that attended Paul’s sermons, it is pretty unlikely that no people were converted in these cities78. It’s worth noting that the so called “Pisidian” Antioch79, was located in Phrygia, on the Maeander River, but not in the region of Pisidia, thus Luke’s phrase “Antioch in Pisidia”80 actually meant its closeness to Pisidia; however, the city was the center of the Roman imperial cult in the region81, whereas the presence of a strong Jewish community in Antioch indicates that it was also a trading center82. The section in the book of Acts dealing with the missionary activity of Paul and Barnabas in Antioch is rather extensive, which is presumably due to Luke’s intention to give a more detailed account of Paul’s preaching before a Jewish audience in the synagogues83. In his description, a particular emphasis is laid on several elements of the initial contact between the missionaries and the Jews as follows – reading from the Law, reading from the prophets, an address to the worshipers by Paul, and finally, a homily preached by Paul84. Insofar as the synagogue served as an “open forum for Jews of different background and persuasions”85, it is hardly surprising that many of them, who had heard Paul speaking in the synagogue, didn’t want to wait for the next Sabbath to learn more about the teaching of Jesus as the Messiah; hence many people were presumably converted to faith in Jesus86. Once again, Luke presents evidence on the issue, although not pointing out directly baptism – “many Jews and devout converts to Judaism followed Paul and Barnabas, who spoke to them and urged them to continue in the grace of God”87; which, to a degree or another, indicates that some accepted the message of the revelation of God’s grace through Jesus Christ88. Since Paul and Barnabas had undoubtedly attracted the attention of the heterogeneous Jewish community in the city and gained a certain number of followers of the faith in Jesus, it is anything but surprise that some Jews, perhaps the synagogue officials, became “filled with jealousy”89, as Luke states in his description of the events. The scene of the following Sabbath, when a large crowd gathered to hear what Paul and Barnabas had to say – “almost the whole city gathered to hear the word of the Lord”90, is hardly imagined by some scholars91. Others, however, assume that Paul had the opportunity to speak to a crowd of thousands, insofar as he probably arrived in Antioch with a letter of introduction by the Roman governor of Cyprus, which might have given him easy access to the leading aristocratic families in the city92. Some even guess where that event had taken place, i.e. either in front of the synagogue, in the plaza Tiberia Platea in front of the temple of Augustus, in the Augusta Platea plaza, located at the northern end of Cardo Maximus, or in the theater located on Decamanus Maximus93. As for the debate itself, the Jewish opponents of Paul probably reacted against the teachings of Jesus, which was probably interpreted by the missionaries as blasphemy against God, who had raised Christ from the dead; while Paul and Barnabas pointed to the God’s plan of salvation, stating that “It was necessary that the word of God should be spoken first to you”94. This sentence is rather indicative of Paul’s basic relationship with Judaism, Rabbinic Judaism to be precise, and Paul’s view on Christianity as well, where two important aspects of his theology appear noticeable – judgment by works and salvation by grace95. The next sentence, however – “Since you reject it and judge yourselves to be unworthy of eternal life, we are now turning to the Gentiles”96 – not only emphasizes how important is the concept of “salvation through participation”, which, according to Sanders, bridges the Pauline theology and certain themes within the Jewish law97, but also, and perhaps more importantly, defines Paul’s panoramic perspective of the historical – in the context of the whole history of salvation, starting with God’s Israel – and geographical – within the practical limits of the Roman Empire – setting of Christianity98. According to Luke, Paul’s missionary work among the Gentile citizens of Antioch was very successful, since “…as many as had been destined for eternal life became believers. Thus the word of the Lord spread throughout the region”99. This success, quite understandably provoked “the Jews”, i.e. synagogue officials, etc., to incite “the devout women of high standing and the leading men of the city”100, i.e. those members of the local elite who had been more sympathetic about the Jewish religion, to prompt persecution against Paul and Barnabas, and “drove them out of their region”101. Besides the mere description of the events that inter alia led to the departure of Paul and his companions from Antioch, this passage infers that there was a good number of Gentile Christians within the city territory of Antioch, insofar as the area is depicted as “their region”102. To a degree or another, about the same story occurred in Iconium, where the apostles narrowly escaped physical maltreatment and “fled to Lystra and Derbe, cities of Lycaonia”103. In the city of Lystra, however, Jews that came “from Antioch and Iconium” succeeded in winning “over the crowds”, and this time Paul suffered the grave consequences of being stoned nearly to death and “dragged out of the city”; nevertheless, miraculously, “when the disciples surrounded him, he got up and went into the city”, to leave it on the next day104. After some meandering between Lystra, Iconium and Antioch, Paul and his compatriots entered Pamphylia. After Paphos, Paul and his companions set sail for Perge, or Perga – the capital of the newly constituted Roman province of Lycia-Pamphylia – where John Mark left them and returned to Jerusalem105; while having spoken “the word” in Perga, Paul and Barnabas “went down to Attalia”106. From Attalia, Paul and Barnabas sailed back to Antioch, “where they had been commended to the Grace of God for the work they had completed”107. Implications for the Church Paul’s first missionary journey around the Eastern Mediterranean has had certain implications for the Christian movement and Church, which still govern the Christians’ way of life and worship. First and foremost, Paul introduced a different vision of the Christian movement, definitely breaking with the tradition of its dissemination among faithful Jews only; hence the transformation of something that many considered to be yet another Jewish sect into a universal community with the cross of Christ as a potent symbol of its formation108. In this regard, Paul related the sufferings of Christ to the later sufferings of Christians – he had set the example being persecuted, stoned and physically maltreated during this missionary journey – thus reinforcing the sense of solidarity within the church via such shared experiences. Additionally, Paul has defied the traditional social classifications of his times and laid the foundations of an “alternative” community, using, although rarely, the term “Kingdom of God” – and until it occurs, the church would function as the community of those who “are all one in Christ Jesus”109. However, it was not Paul’s aim to reform the social order, as seen from his contacts with Roman officials, aristocrats, etc.; rather, he has had the vision of transcending this order to a whole new plane110. Paul’s use of symbolism in discussing the gospel, and the high tolerance of diverse interpretations, as well as his concern with the universal mission of Christianity111 would be seen as guiding principles in his missionary work, which greatly influence the Christian Church nowadays. Conclusion Paul’s first missionary journey around the Eastern Mediterranean has taken place in times that were rather difficult for the followers of Jesus Christ, who had been persecuted by both the Roman authorities and representatives of the Jewish religious cult. The gospel had been preached in many places across Judea and Syria by then, but it was not before the mission of Paul and Barnabas when the first steps towards geographical and social expansion of the Christian movement became a reality. So, inter alia it could be considered one of the greatest contributions of Paul to the present-day Christian community and Churh. Bibliography Court, John M. and Court, Kathleen M., The New Testament World. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990 Dunn, James D.G., The Theology of Paul the Apostle. Grand Rapids, Michigan: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., 1998 Hengel, M. and Schwemer, Anna Maria., Paul between Damascus and Antioch: The Unknown Years, translated by John Bowden. Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox, 1997 Levick, Barbara, Roman Colonies in Southern Asia Minor. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1967 Levine, Lee I., The Ancient Synagogue: The First Thousand Years. New Haven, Connecticut: Yale University Press, 2000 Marshall, I. Howard, The Acts of the Apostles: An Introduction and Commentary, TNTC. Leicester: Inter-Varsity Press; Downers Grove, Il: Inter-Varsity Press, 1980 O’Brien, Peter T. The New International Greek Testament Commentary: The Epistle to the Philippians. Grand Rapids, Michigan: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., 1991 Sanders, E. P., Paul and Palestinian Judaism: A Comparison of Patterns of Religion. Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1977 Schnabel, Eckhard J., Paul the Missionary: Realities, Strategies and Methods. Downers Grove, IL: Inter Varsity Press, 2008 Stourton, Edward, Paul of Tarsus: A Visionary Life. London: Hodder & Stoughton, 2004 Read More
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