Limits of Typologies of Rapists and Analysis of Their Motivations - Research Paper Example

The Psychology of Criminal Behaviour Limits of Typologies of Rapists and Analysis of their Motivations Introduction This research work deals with the issues relating to the typologies of rapists and their motivations regarding this crime. Rape is a crime that involves a number of typologies that are determined by the conduct and motivation of the offender. In this context, feminists contend that rape constitutes a deliberate attempt by males to subdue and petrify females. On the other hand, evolutionary psychologists contend that the offender is chiefly motivated by sexual concerns[CITATION Rob07 \p 509 \l 1033 ]. Typologies of rapists, notwithstanding their critical significance as evaluative, analytical or curative tools, demand great care during their employment. In addition, these typologies are by no means incompatible, as sex offenders frequently portray different types of conduct. Furthermore, recidivism among rapists attaches considerable importance to these typologies. As such, the required correctional management can be determined, if there is proper identification of the stimuli that actuate sex offenders[CITATION Rob07 \p 509 \l 1033 ]. Rapists depict considerable variety regarding the character of their relationship to their victim and the psychological processes leading to rape. The majority of the theorists believe that sexual gratification is not the sole reason behind rape. In fact, several theorists have contended that control and power over the victim have greater importance than sexual gratification[CITATION Can141 \p 115 \l 1033 ]. It has proved difficult to classify sexual offenders, due to their heterogeneous traits. In addition, they display flawed emotional regulation, social difficulties, beliefs that favour offense, lack of empathy, and deviant arousal. Individual offenders display vast divergence in these clinical issues. On the whole, the traditional typologies have been characterised by numerous difficulties. This is exemplified by the insufficient definitions and conflicting research results. Moreover, the majority of the typologies have failed to address treatment issues and to predict recidivism[ CITATION Sim14 \l 1033 ]. The emphasis of traditional rapist typologies has chiefly been limited to the relationship to the victim, extent of aggression, motivation, the sexual nature of the assault in comparison to the non-sexual character of the assault, and the extent of control. It is the usual practice to categorise rapists in accordance with their relationship to the victim, such as acquaintance or stranger. It has been determined that as much as 73% of the rapists are familiar with their victim. Acquaintance rapists tend to be coercive, and less violent and opportunistic than the stranger rapists. The latter employ greater expressive violence and hostility towards females[ CITATION Sim14 \l 1033 ]. With regard to the power-reassurance rapists, the violence employed is limited to what is necessary to render the victim compliant or to bring about the completion of the sexual act. Such rapists might even believe that the victim was sexually interested in them. In addition, these rapists could also believe that the use of force will cause the victim to develop a gradual liking for the rapist[ CITATION Sim14 \l 1033 ]. On the other hand, the antisocial or power-assertive rapist tends to be impulsive, employs aggressive methods of control, and indulges in intoxicating substances. Such rapists make impromptu assaults on women. Moreover, the aggressive-aim or anger-retaliation rapist is moved by aggression and power. In addition to sexual assault, such rapists humiliate or denigrate their victim[ CITATION Sim14 \l 1033 ]. The sadistic class of rapists re-enact sexual fantasises involving pain or torture. Such crime is the outcome of detailed planning and frequently ends with the death of the victim. Such sexual sadism is infrequent and is witnessed in a mere 5% of the rapists, and it constitutes a strong predictor of sexual and violent recidivism. However, it is to be noted that the traditional rapist typologies have little clinical utility, as they do not take into consideration the irrational cognitions exhibited by the majority of the rapists. Female sexual offenders, chiefly engage in sexual assault in the company of other offenders. Most of these offenders observe the abuse, procure victims for the other members in the group to assault sexually, or expose children to sexual interaction or pornography. As such, women sexual offenders mainly prefer a passive function[ CITATION Sim14 \l 1033 ]. The Massachusetts Treatment Center Taxonomic Program was the first programme that conducted an empirical examination of the motivational typologies of rapists. These typologies had been initially founded on clinical observations. Subsequently, these were derived from exhaustive empirical observations and statistical analysis. In addition, the National Center for the Analysis of Violent Crime (NCAVC) of the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) undertook a modification of the classifications employed in criminal investigations. Its model endeavoured to describe the types of conduct that indicated such motivations, with a view to classifying offenders on the basis of their actions at the scene of the crime. Some of the researchers suggested an analysis of the physical, verbal and sexual actions of offenders for categorising their offence[CITATION Can141 \p 110 \l 1033 ]. Moreover, Groth published a study in 1979, involving more than 500 rapists. He discerned from the study that rape satisfied the emotional requirements of the offender, and was intricate and served several motives and psychological needs of the rapist. This was termed the Groth typology and was adopted by criminal profilers and law enforcement agencies. Thereafter, this typology was modified by the NCAVC and utilised in the Crime Classification Manual[ CITATION Tur98 \l 1033 ]. These studies resulted in a rapist motivational typology that classified rapist behaviour into the following typologies. First, power reassurance typology, wherein the conduct of the offender suggests a fundamental absence of confidence and inadequacy. It also suggests that the offender believes that the victim is willing to some extent, as depicted by low confidence and expression of minimal resistance[ CITATION Tur98 \l 1033 ]. Second, power assertive typology, in which offender behaviours indicate diffidence and inadequacy. The offender expresses these deficiencies by requiring control, mastery, and humiliation of the victim. At the same time, the offender finds it necessary to demonstrate authority. Third, anger retaliatory typology, in which the actions of the rapist indicate considerable rage, towards a specific individual, institution, group, or symbol. Fourth, sadistic typology, wherein the conduct of the rapist suggests the obtention of sexual gratification from the pain and suffering of the victim. Fifth, opportunistic typology, in which the behaviours of the offender suggest that the rapist aims to satisfy his immediate sexual impulses[ CITATION Tur98 \l 1033 ]. Some scholars have claimed that anger and power were stronger motivators for rapists than sexual gratification. It was their considered opinion that sexuality was always the subordinate theme, and that the dominant themes were those of anger and power. Rape was employed to express power and anger[CITATION McC05 \p 235 \l 1033 ]. Other researchers concluded that acute perceptions regarding social and sexual inadequacy could cause a rapist to rape a woman. The idea behind this pernicious act being to control and dominate the helpless female. A few researchers had shown that rapists who had not been imprisoned, exhibited greater hostility towards women. These rapists felt betrayed and deceived by women, to a greater extent, and entertained stronger power and domination motives for outraging the modesty of a female[CITATION McC05 \p 236 \l 1033 ]. Furthermore, in the past, several studies have been conducted on single-perpetrator rape (SPR) and multiple-perpetrator rape (MPR). An examination of the SPR typologies makes it possible to compare the associated themes in MPR. In addition, the effect of group offending can be differentiated. Several studies have shown that MPR involves greater violence, whilst SPR entails pseudo-submissive behaviours[CITATION Cha10 \p 1116 \l 1033 ]. Offender Motivation The following discussion deals with an analysis of offender motivation. In general, motivation determines whether individuals will actually act upon their knowledge of sexual conduct, such as predatory and dangerous sexual behaviour. This comprises of attitudes regarding rape myths and the social standards pertaining to sexual behaviours. The first experience of sex, and sexual activity after consuming alcohol, are important in this context[CITATION Aro12 \p 175 \l 1033 ]. Offender motivation is integral to an individual, as a result it is subject to transformation over time. As such, offenders can alter what their behaviour connotes. Thus, criminals can remember imperfectly, engage in conversation, and vindicate their criminal conduct. In addition, the mental state of offenders exists in a state of flux. In combination with the overall emotional state of the offender, this can explain the motivational drift within an offence and across offences perpetrated by the same criminal. The criminal profiler endeavouring to scrutinise a specific crime or sequence of related crimes, tends to ignore the establishment of motivations of the offender that are external to crime scene conduct. This establishment of offender motivations should continue to remain in the realm of the mental health professionals[CITATION Tur11 \p 299 \l 1033 ]. With regard to the theories relating to the motives of the rapist, there is considerable confusion. Evolutionary psychology has experienced a steady development, over the past several decades. This area of study has generated a number of intense disputes between a few of the promoters of the evolutionary notions and feminists[CITATION Bry111 \p 196 \l 1033 ]. The former contend that the chief motives of rapists are sexual, which has been rejected by the feminists. As such, the feminist scholars have assumed different stances. Thus, Brownmiller had propounded that rape was a deliberate attempt by all males to subjugate and terrify all females. This has been discounted by contemporary scholars. A few of the feminists are blatantly political, and discus whether females obtain a greater benefit by terming rape as a crime of violence, sex, or both. At the same time, there are other scholars who ascribe other primary motives to the different forms of rape. These scholars contend that some of the rapists are chiefly sexually motivated and the rest by one of the non-sexual aims. Consequently, non-feminist theories highlight the goal of sex, whilst feminist theories stress upon the goals of controlling and dominating the victims of rape and women[CITATION Bry111 \p 196 \l 1033 ]. Nevertheless, feminist analysts routinely ascribe a sexual motive to rape. Motivational theorists refer to the sex life of rapists. It is frequently queried whether rapists experience deprivation for prolonged periods, which has been true in some of the cases, such as that of soldiers who rape females during combat. There is no evidence that American civilian rapists are deprived of sex, due to long-term inability to locate willing females. In fact, rapists had frequently exhibited sexual precociousness, engaged with several sexual partners, and preferred casual sex[CITATION Bry111 \p 200 \l 1033 ]. Conclusion Typologies constitute valuable evaluative, investigative or treatment tools. Nevertheless, they should be employed with great care. Another feature of typologies is that they are not mutually exclusive. Sex offenders, per se, exhibit different types of conduct, such as child abuse and rape. The significance of these typologies stems from the fact that sex offenders have a tendency to recidivate. Upon establishing the motivation of these offenders, it become possible to assist in their correctional management. This area requires considerable development, and further concerted research should prove to be of great benefit. As such, motivation is crucial in determining whether a sex offender will employ his sexual behaviour knowledge to engage in hazardous and predatory conduct. Such knowledge consists of the attitudes regarding rape myths and social standards regarding sexual behaviour. The importance of traditional rapist typologies are principally limited to the relationship with the victim, magnitude of aggression, motivation, the sexual nature of assault and the degree of control. Another rapist categorisation is on the basis of motivational features. Thus, Groth described a typology that was based upon the extent of aggression, the basic motivation of the rapist, and the presence of other forms of antisocial conduct. Rapists belonging to the sexual-aim or power-reassurance class entertain feelings of inadequacy and sub-standard social skills. Such rapists do not cause injury to their victims. Some researchers had claimed that sexual assaults, per se, were committed with a view to satisfying the desire of the rapist for power. Other researchers had suggested that power and sexual factors were intimately related to each other, and that there was an overlapping between sadistic sexual and anger elements. As a matter of fact, sexual factors are an integral component of rape. Some scholars had isolated opportunity, pervasive anger, vindictiveness, and sexual gratification as being the primary motivations for rapists. As such, there are several typologies based on motivation and behaviour of the offender, with regard to the crime of rape. Evolutionary psychologists and feminists differ in their views on typology in the sense that the former claimed that the motivation of the offender is mainly sexual, whereas the feminists have claimed that rape was the deliberate attempt by males to terrorise and subjugate women. Albeit, typologies can be regarded as important assessment, analytical or curative devices, they require extreme caution, while being utilised. Moreover, typologies are compatible, due to the fact that several sex offenders display different types of behaviour. The proclivity of sex offenders to repeat their crime, renders these typologies important. Identifying the stimulus of sex offenders makes it possible to formulate adequate correctional management. References Aronowitz, T., Lambert, C. A. & Davidoff, S., 2012. The Role of Rape Myth Acceptance in the Social Norms Regarding Sexual Behavior Among College Students. Journal of Community Health Nursing, 29(3), pp. 173-182. Bryden, D. P. & Grier, M. M., 2011. The Search For Rapists' "Real" Motives. Journal of Criminal Law & Criminology, 101(1), pp. 171-278. Canter, D., 2014. Criminal Psychology: Topics in Applied Psychology. Abingdon, Oxon, UK: Routledge. Chambers, J. C., Horvath, M. A. & Kelly, L., 2010. A Typology of Multiple-Perpetrator Rape. Criminal Justice and Behavior, 37(10), pp. 1114-1139. McCabe, M. P. & Wauchope, M., 2005. Behavioural characteristics of rapists. Journal of Sexual Aggression, 11(3), pp. 235-247. CITATION Rob07 \p 509 \l 1033 : , (Robertiello & Terry, 2007, p. 509), CITATION Can141 \p 115 \l 1033 : , (Canter, 2014, p. 115), CITATION Sim14 \l 1033 : , (Simons, 2014), CITATION Can141 \p 110 \l 1033 : , (Canter, 2014, p. 110), CITATION Tur98 \l 1033 : , (Turvey, 1998), CITATION McC05 \p 235 \l 1033 : , (McCabe & Wauchope, 2005, p. 235), CITATION McC05 \p 236 \l 1033 : , (McCabe & Wauchope, 2005, p. 236), CITATION Cha10 \p 1116 \l 1033 : , (Chambers, et al., 2010, p. 1116), CITATION Aro12 \p 175 \l 1033 : , (Aronowitz, et al., 2012, p. 175), CITATION Tur11 \p 299 \l 1033 : , (Turvey, 2011, p. 299), CITATION Bry111 \p 196 \l 1033 : , (Bryden & Grier, 2011, p. 196), CITATION Bry111 \p 200 \l 1033 : , (Bryden & Grier, 2011, p. 200), Simons, D. A., 2014. Sex Offender Management Assessment and Planning Initiative: Chapter 3: Sex Offender Typologies. [online] Available at: [Accessed 25 April 2015]. Turvey, B. E., 1998. Psychological Crime Scene Tape: The Investigative Use of Rapist Motivational Typologies. [online] Available at: [Accessed 23 April 2015]. Turvey, B. E., 2011. Criminal Profiling: An Introduction to Behavioral Evidence Analysis. 3rd ed. London, UK: Academic Press. Read More