Rituals as a Part of Everyday Human Action - Essay Example

Neurotheology in Review: Ritual and Ritual Activities Assignment: First, describe Rituals and their study as a discipline, its history, inception, key figures, past and current projects. Then write on Ritual and Ritual Activities, theories, methodologies, instruments, tools, objectives and projects, brain, mind physiology, belief development, maintenance and transmission. Introduction Anthropologist Clifford Geertz described religion as “a system of symbols which acts to establish powerful, pervasive, and long lasting moods and motivations by formulating conceptions with such an aura of factuality that the moods and motivations seem uniquely realistic” (Geertz 1993 [1966] cited by Deeley 2004).The study of rituals and ritual actions contributes to an understanding of how and why symbolic culture affects behavior and cognition in religious contexts, and relates to mind, brain physiology and the development, maintenance and transmission of beliefs in general. The Study of Rituals Emile Durkheim, French pioneer in the fields of anthropology and sociology, and author of The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life, saw religion as a means of social cohesion where rituals “strengthen the bonds attaching the individual to the society…” (Bomar et al. 1999, citing Durkheim 1915). But what constitutes a ritual? Anthropologists express diverse opinions, and interdisciplinary discussions involving theologians, philosophers, cognitive scientists and others create an even more complex picture. The “performance of a complex sequence of symbolic acts” is one definition suggested by Victor Turner (1967, 1979, cited by Borman et al. 1999). McGuire (1992) adds the dimension of a sense of awe and wonder that accompanies ritual acts and Kertzer (1988) refines further with the aspect of formalized, structured sequences carried out at specific times and places (Coleman & Collins 2000). A hallmark event in the history of the study of ritual was organized in the mid-1960s by Julian Huxley who brought together influential people like R.D. Laing, Erik Erikson, Edmund Leach, Victor Turner, Desmond Morris, Konrad Lorenz, Myers Fortes and N. Tinbergen to discuss the topic. Huxley (1966) came up with a formal ethological definition of ritual as “an adaptive formalization or canalization of emotionally motivated behavior under the pressure of natural selection” specifying the functions of ritual as promoting better, less ambiguous signals for communication, more stimulation and release of behavior patterns in others, reducing intra-specific damage and serving sexual and social bonding behavior (Grimes, 2003). Later, anthropologist Charles Laughlin and psychologist Eugene d’Aquili established the new field of neuropsychology, neurophenomenology or biological structuralism with the basic tenet that ritual behavior is fundamentally rooted in the brain and has adaptive consequences. Their definition of ritual included the aspect of a structured, repetitive sequence of behavior and the proposition of an underlying systemic universal structure (Grimes 2003). Their most significant achievement, according to Rausch Albright (2001), was to provide a basis for constructive theology with their theory. The role of ritual, according to the biological structurist, is to synchronize affective, perceptional and motor processes to produce simultaneous excitation and relaxation (ergotropic and trophotropic discharge) in the central nervous system. This results, theoretically, in intra- and inter-individual wholeness and facilitates the embodiment of symbols into society and individual selves. Grimes (2003) clarifies, however, that only certain kinds of rituals produce these effects and questions whether the assumption of a hardware or genetic substrate for ritual is justified. The changes precipitated by rituals might just as well be software changes. And the positive, adaptive value of ritual behavior is yet unproven. In strictly Darwinian terms, ritual behavior may even be maladaptive, as far as the criteria of rigid, stereotypical, uni-dimensional behavior is not generally known to improve chances of natural selection where diversity is more advantageous. The ecological value of rituals is a subject dealt with at length by anthropologist Roy Rappaport (1999) whose book Ritual and Religion in the Making of Humanity presents a formalistic, prescriptive theory of ritual based on an ecological worldview (Grimes 2003). Although the contents and purpose of rituals are usually culture-bound, Rappaport considers the form to be universal. The position of ritual in complex state-organized societies is the theme of the final chapter of the book. Rappaport envisions a key role for ritual in social evolution, and regards ecology as much as a religious conception as a scientific hypothesis (Grimes 2003). Theories, Methodologies, Instruments of Ritual / Ritual Activities The Modal Theory of Harvey Whitehouse based on studies of a Christian syncretic religion in Papua New Guinea, marked a new era in the study of ritual in religious contexts (Tremlin, 2002; Vial 2004). Whereas the idea of different modes of religious practice was not new—Max Weber had already discussed charismatic practices vs. routinization and Ruth Benedict the Dionysian and Apollonian modes—the hypothesis that the patterns were based on universal cognitive structures was (Vial 2004). With this bold deduction, Whitehouse opened the field of religious studies to the neuroscientist. In Inside the Cult, Whitehouse lists two prerequisites for the survival of religion: that religion must inspire both recall of beliefs and rituals as well as motivate members to practice (Tremlin 2002). Each component relies on a different mnemonic strategy and produce divergent forms of religious affiliation. The imagistic stands out, shocks and is associated with strong emotions. The rituals in this mode are infrequent, subject to diverse representations and spontaneous reflection, lack dynamic leadership, are decentralized and unorthodox, localized in small groups with high cohesion, but difficult to disseminate (Vial 2004). The semantic doctrinal mode, in contrast, is characterized by frequent repetition, logical, coherent orally transmitted precepts, clear, hierarchical, centralized leadership to enforce orthodoxy, a rigorous schedule of ritual occasions, low rates of spontaneous exegetical reflection and rapid, efficient dissemination among a membership defined by common scripted memory (Vial 2004). Lawson and McCauley (cited in Tremlin 2002) expanded on the variables postulated by Whitehouse to explain religious behavior by considering the role of conceptual schemes in religious systems. They added the concept of the Suprahuman Agent which they regarded as an important cognitive variable influencing the shifts between the doctrinal and imagistic modes. They generated the theory of ritual action and a theory of religious ritual competence to improve upon what they considered the deficits of Whitehouse’s ritual frequency hypothesis (Tremlin 2002). In Bringing Ritual to Mind, Lawson and McCauley discuss the dynamics of rituals and universal principles of religious rituals. They conclude that the cognitive apparatus for representing rituals is the same as that for the representation of everyday actions (Benavides, 2003?). As actions need an agent, religious action distinguishes itself through the presence of a suprahuman agent. And the role played by the superhuman agent in religious ritual action forms the “ultimate basis of ritual form” (Lawson & McCauley cited in Tremlin 2002). Vial (2004) is rather more enthusiastic about the implications of Whitehouse’s theory. From a historical perspective, the identification of patterns and structures of actions is part of the generation of the type of structural explanation qualitatively distinct from the generally causal explanations of natural science (Vial 2004). The two modes comprise ideal types. Vial mentions Ilkka Pyysiainen’s third mode which addresses people’s actual beliefs and behavior which may differ from the formal doctrinal mode without breaking away from the mainstream, but questions whether a third mode is necessary. As it were, a sort of hybrid of the two. Application of the Whitehouse model to historical research could advance suitable explanations for some mysteries like the case of the ancient mystery cult of Mithras (Vial 2004). Luther Martin (2004) suggests that historians might have tried in vain to explain the findings of the cult because there is a lack of Mithraic texts to allow interpretation; that might be an indication that the cult was imagistic and thus it would be understandably difficult to establish a coherent account of the related doctrines and beliefs. Ellen Basso (2001) refers to Robbins’ ideologies of communication to explain variations in ritual performance citing Geertz (1973) on the “pervasive sense of disorientation” that leads to the emergence of “new” religious practices. The performer of ritual actions can be both “intentional and unintentional agent”, not necessarily responsible for the outcome or ritual message (Basso, 2001 citing DuBois 1993). Not only may responsibility be disclaimed, personal identity may also be obscured by masks or ritual garb and two language problems can arise: deception or the imagining of alternatives (Basso 2001). If ritual functions as a form of communication, it must be embedded in analyses of linguistic ideologies to be effective (Blommaert, 2001). Ritual performance can bind participants in a group to produce a collective message. Basso (2001) quotes Victor Zuckerkandl (1956) on the particular function of music in the context of performance: “People sing in order to make sure, through direct experience, of their existence in a layer of reality different from the one in which they encounter each other and things as speakers, as facing one another and separate from one another—in order to be aware of their existence in a place where distinction and separation of man and man and man and thing, thing and thing give way to unity, to authentic togetherness.” Again, we are reminded of the Durkheimian understanding of the role of ritual in facilitating social cohesion. Another function of rituals is more pertinent to individuals. Embodied states can result from the processing of social information. As religious rituals include physical actions, they also are more obviously embodied in the modality-specific system of representation of the brain than other forms of knowledge (Barsalou et al. 2005). This has cognitive implications. Rituals ground knowledge in a physical context and can be used to aid memory entrench religious belief (Barsalou et al. 2005). Rituals can also be used to induce desirable states associated with religious activities. For example the physical act of smiling is known to produce positive effects. Similarly through the physical posture of meditation, a state of mental stillness can be induced. Functional neuro-imaging and immunological studies opened the way to an even more detailed understanding of the neural processes connected to the practice of meditation in recent years (Newberg & Iversen, 2003). There are several methods of meditation, but the basic principle is either to release all thoughts, or to concentrate on an object or mantra. Subjects who performed either type of meditation showed increased activity in the prefrontal cortex and cingulated gyrus. However, guided meditation by a leader or tape did not produce the same changes. Complex corticothalamic activity, hippocampal and amygdalar responses inconclusive effects on the autonomous nervous system (predominantly parasympathetic activity) have also been observed in studies on meditation. In addition to altered brain activity, neurochemical changes in endogenous opioid, GABA, norepinephrine and serotonergic receptor systems have been measured during meditation. However, further studies will be necessary to compensate for the limitations of low subject number, lack of control and confounding variables (Newberg & Iversen, 2003). Michael Persinger (date), who has studied the electromagnetic basis of consciousness, describes it as an “emergent property of the complex electromagnetic process generated from predictable biochemical and biological processes”. He has identified cohesive waves of electromagnetic fields with a frequency of about 40Hz and suggests that the ability of some individuals to detect stimuli not perceived by others may be associated with different electromagnetic correlates which have been observed. This might constitute a logical explanation for paranormal phenomena common in mystical traditions. An archaeological perspective on ecstatic states is presented by Hayden (1987). Distinctly human types of behavior, Hayden claims, can be explained successfully by archaeological models. Thus the emergence of ritual and religious behavior is also the subject of archaeological studies. Humans have a penchant for ecstatic ritual experience which constituted the core of early religious practice (Hayden 1987). Ecstatic states tend to reduce individual identity and promote unity as well as lead to feelings concepts of transcendence (Hayden 1987). These transcendental effects might have played a role in bonding distinct human communities together in times of crisis and giving them an evolutionary advantage. The mechanism suggested by Hayden is that in addition to daily and yearly challenges, hunter-gatherer communities were subjected to periodic crises in form of various natural catastrophes that arose unpredictably at long intervals. While behavioral modification to adapt to the first kind of stressors was fairly simple and not vital, the second category of stresses could lead to extinction of groups not sufficiently prepared to meet the challenge. But because they occurred infrequently, it meant that maintaining bonds with distant tribes for the purpose of securing solidarity in times of need was a relatively costly proposition. Along with intermarriage and creating a sense of mutual obligation through exchange of gifts, tribes also practiced ecstatic religious rituals together to cement their relationships. Shamans, dressed in unusual garb and sometimes wearing masks, created an unforgettable, dramatic experience and used various techniques to induce trance and ecstatic states both in themselves and the audience. The entities that appeared in shamanic visions demanded “adherence to certain basic dicta” (Hayden 1987) such as ritual performance, intermarriage and sharing, all of which could contribute to long-term survival. Animal deities were later replaced by more hierarchical gods as the hunter-gatherer lifestyle evolved into the complex agricultural societies as religious symbols tend to be adapted to social circumstances and environments (Hayden 1987). Hayden doubts that the emergence of religion was related to a need to dispel anxiety as Freud suggested. Instead he points out that religion fulfills the cardinal principles of evolution in his model: patterned behavior, if costly and widespread and persistent over long periods should have adaptive advantages. And according to the case presented from Hayden’s archaeological viewpoint, the requirements are fulfilled. Ritual Objectives/ Belief Development , Maintenance and Transmission But can rituals and ritual actions have an even deeper significance? Rituals are intricately connected to beliefs as we have seen above. And beliefs, when considered collectively, comprise a “set of assumptions on social and physical reality that may have powerful effects on cognition and behavior”; and that, according to Koltko-Rivera (2004) is a definition of worldview. “Reality is, at least to some extent, subjectively constructed rather than universal in its totality” (Kvale 1995, cited by Koltko-Rivera 2004) so consequently, ritual behavior, by contributing to that construction in ways already elucidated, can influence our reality. Rappaport even goes as far as to insist that “ritualizing is the way the world itself tries to ensure its own persistence” (Grimes, 2003). Research confirms that people intuitively judge the appropriateness, or well-formedness of ritual action and quite possibly that domain-specific cognition plays a role here (Sorensen et al. 2006). Religious symbol systems are not just handed down; they are learned through personal experience and activities of religious practice (McDannell 1995, cited by Coleman & Collins, 2000). Using the example of Quakers and charismatic Protestants, Coleman & Collins expanded the concept of ritual from the overt ritual event in a formal setting to the gradual ritualization of everyday life which provides a means of reinforcing religious faith and justifying its application in all areas of life. The term habitus, used by Bordieus (1997) to describe schematic bodily practices (such as gait, speech, gestures and other more subtle forms) of individuals and in mutual social interaction, can also be applied in an institutional context. The basics of culture imprinted through learning processes, socialization, experience and teaching from early childhood can be modified by a process of re-socialization such as that which occurs when an individual converts to a new religion. Coleman and Collins argue that the non-exclusivity of ritual action allows for a continuity of religious expression in attenuated, informal, implicit forms in a variety of different contexts. Projects Applying the principles expounded by Rappaport and Jordan (1995, 1997 cited by Boman et al. 1999; Grimes 2003) who has explored the relationship between restoration and ritual experience, a high school project integrating ritual in restoration (Boman et al. 1999). The De Jong, Faulkner and Warland (1976) Religiosity Scale itemizes behaviors and attitudes on five subscales: the belief subscale which measures religious ideology, an experiential sub-scale to measure the degree of religious experience, a ritualistic, knowledge and consequential subscales which quantify church attending and participation in religious activities, familiarity with bible characters and reactions to moral and social issues respectively (cited by Wilson & Filsinger 1986). It can be used to investigate religiosity as a multidimensional construct and found application in a study on the correlation between marital stability and religiosity for example (Wilson & Filsinger 1986). Religiosity, including the component of ritual behavior has been shown to correlate with marital stability (Wilson& Filsinger, 1986). Rituals have also been shown to have a place in therapeutic interventions for terminally ill or immobile persons (Tomka 1985). Rituals can provide a conceptual framework to create meaning, resolve inner conflicts, facilitate integration of the individual in the group, and strengthen both (Frank, Irion 1966 in Tomka 1985). The possibility of other therapeutic and social applications of rituals and ritual behavior remains a further avenue for future exploration as the experimental measurement of remote calming effects of traditional healing (Feather 1997) illustrated, or the bold attempt by David Hague to integrate the findings of neuroscience research into pastoral practice (Bulkeley, 2003). Conclusion The potential of ritual action as a tool for incorporating knowledge and influencing behavior is not to be underestimated. If we succeed in finding ways of integrating ritual into our lives in the playful, creative ways advocated by less conservative advocates of the field, we may be able to reinvent our collective reality, influence the course of human evolution and save our planet from the hazards of environmental degradation. If we succeed. In the meantime, encouraging developments in the area of the study of ritual can provide solace and strength. The embodiment of the divine in us may simply turn out to be a set of intermittent electromagnetic waves, but it is a powerfully inspiring motivator nonetheless. -END- References Barsalou, L.W., Barbey, A.K., Simmons, W.K., Santos, A., 2005. Embodiment in Religious Knowledge. Journal of Cognition and Culture 5.1-2, pp. 14-57 Basso, E., 2001. Commentary. Current Anthropology 2 (5) pp. 600-601. Benavides, G., Book Review. Bringing Ritual to Mind: Psychological Foundations of Cultural Forms by McCauley, N., Lawson, E.T. The Journal of Religion pp. 174-175. Blommaert, J., 2001. Current Anthropology 2 (5) p. 601. Bomar, C., Fitzgerald, P., Geist, C., 1999. Ritual in Restoration: A Model for Building Communities. Ecological Restoration. 17 (1&2), 67-74. Bulkeley, K., 2003? Book Review. Remembering the Future, Imagining the Past: Story, Ritual and the Human Brain by David Hogue. Theological Union? Coleman, S., Collins, P., 2000. The Plain and the Positive: Ritual, Experience and Aesthetics in Quakerism and Charismatic Christianity. Journal of Contemporary Religion, 15 (3), pp. 317-329. Deeley, P. Q., 2004. The Religious Brain: Turning Ideas into Convictions. Anthropology & Medicine 11 (3) pp. 245-267. Feather, S., 1997. Parapsychological Abstracts. Journal of Parapsychology, 61 (3). Grimes, R.L., 2003. Ritual Theory and Environment. The Sociological Review 2003, pp. 31-45. Hayden, B., 1987. Alliances and Ritual Ecstasy: Human Responses to Resource Stress. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 26 (1) 81-91. Koltko-Rivera, M.E., 2004. 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Vial, T., 2004. The Rubber Meets the Road: The Cognitive Science of Religion and Historical Ritualized Practices. Method & Theory in the Study of Religion 16, pp. 292-300. Wilson, M., Filsinger, E.E., 1986. Religiosity and Marital Adjustment: Multidimensional Interrelationships. Journal of Marriage and the Family 48: 147-151. Read More