Occupation of the Three United Arab Emirates Islands - Essay Example

Occupation of the Three United Arab Emirates islands The main issue involves Iran’s occupation over three islands in the Greater and Lesser Tunbs and Abu Mousa. Throughout the 20th century these islands have been a point of political contention. From the early 20th century onwards Iran had contested the United Arab Emirate’s occupation of these islands. The United Arab Emirates have attempted to present a number of diplomatic options, including tradeoffs. For instance, during one proposed diplomatic action, Iran noted they would recognize the United Arab Emirates occupation of these islands, if the United Arab Emirates would recognize Iran’s occupation of the Tunb Islands; this would occur with one of the countries leasing the Tunb Islands to the other (Schonfield 1994). Ultimately, no agreement was ever reached. Such negotiation efforts underline much of the interactions between the nations regarding these islands. Still, there has been historical precedent for more aggressive actions. In 1971 Iran seized control of Abu Masa in response to the upcoming end of the British protectorate and the formation of the United Arab Emirates (Schonfield 1994). In taking this aggressive action they cited a joint agreement they had been made with the Sharjah, as both sides upheld their claims within the region. Following this action Iran further seized control of the Tunb islands (Schonfield 1994). In accomplishing this action they implemented force against the small Arab resistance force in the region. While the Iranians were instructed not to open fire, shots were fired from the Arab resistance (Schonfield 1994). During this conflict four Arabs were killed and one injured. Following this occurrence much of the Arab civilian population was deported. Considerations regarding Abu Masa have specifically faced a great amount of conflict over the last few decades. The main crux of this dispute between Iran and the United Arab Emirates began in 1974. Until the early 20th century Abu Masa had been under Iranian control (Schofield 2003). However, in 1908 the United Kingdom assumed control of the island and other islands in the region of what is regarded as the present day United Arab Emirates (Schofield 2003). In the 1960s the British transferred ownership of the island to one of the Sharjah’s in a sheikdom that would later change into the United Arab Emirates (Schofield 2003). In 1968 the United Kingdom announced they would halt their military actions in the region; subsequently Iran increased their claims to the islands. In 1971 Iran and the Sharjah agreed to the Memorandum of Understanding, essentially granting concessions to both sides, yet not entirely resolving the dispute (Schofield 2003). Since this 1971 Memorandum of Understanding there has been continued dispute. In 1980 the United Arab Emirates brought the dispute before the United Nations but were rejected in having their issue heard (Schofield 2003). Another notable occurrence happened in 1992 when Saddam Hussein attempted to use conflict over these islands as partial justification of his invasion of Kuwait. Issues relating to the islands have assumed a great level of sensitivity (Schofield 2003). Even small-scale actions on either side have been recognized as having a considerable impact on international relations. For instance, in 2012 a visit by Iranian president Ahmedinejad sparked considerable controversy among United Arab Emirates who feared that this constituted aggressive actions. The present day situation has witnessed a reflection of many of the past historical issues over these three islands. The current Arab public perception regarding these islands demonstrates strong public support for United Arab Emirate control. A recent pole indicates that only 5% of Arabs believe Iran’s claims to the islands (Haeri 2012). This is compared to 57% who believe the United Arab Emirate’s claims (Haeri 2012). It seems that the pervading perspectives among United Arab Emirates is that Iran’s interest in the islands is directly related to their strategic position and oil reserves. Still, Iran has continued to contend the United Arab Emirates’ claim to these islands. To a large part political organizations in the region have supported the United Arab Emirate’s claims to the islands. For instance, the Cooperation Council for the Arab States in the Gulf has continually reaffirmed support for the United Arab Emirates (Haeri 2012). Additionally, the United Arab Emirates have made repeated efforts to bring the issue before the International Court of Justice. These efforts have been problematic however as Iran has continually refused to go before the International Court of Justice (Haeri 2012). Their reasoning has been that the International Court of Justice is slanted towards United Arab Emirate interest and Iranians would not be able to receive a proper and justified decision. Notably, Tehran has issued statements that claim Iran has always owned the islands, as they never renounced possession of control of the region. Additionally, they have noted that these islands are a central and important part of Iran. Current claims to history by the United Arab Emirates note that the islands were under the control of Qasimi sheikhs; between 1789 and 1887 this branch of government administered the port of Bandar Lengeh from the Persian government (Haeri 2012). Subsequently, the United Arab Emirates stood to inherit the islands. While such a claim constitutes the United Arab Emirate’s historical argument for ownership of the islands, the Iranians have argued along different grounds. The Iranian perspective contends that the Qasimi rulers during the majority of the previous centuries were located on the Iranian, not the Arab cost. This then would make then Iranian subjects. Still, the United Arab Emirates has always referred to these islands as in their possession. Recent findings have indicated that the Arab Parliament reaffirmed the United Arab Emirate’s full sovereignty over the three Islands; specifically, this includes the Greater and Lesser Tunbs and Abu Mousa (Islands issue: Arab Parliament reiterates UAE’s sovereignty, 2012). The Arab Parliament has recommended that Iran setter the disputes over these Islands through diplomatic means or in the International Court of Justice (ICJ) (Islands issue: Arab Parliament reiterates UAE’s sovereignty, 2012). Additionally, the Arab Parliament has called for speeding up diplomatic talks between these nations regarding these islands. The Head of the United Arab Emirate Parliament Bureau delegation to the Arab Parliament meetings, Ahmed Mohammed Al Jarwan, noted that this issue is a forefront concern of the United Arab Emirate’s and that they are ready to participate in any forms of international diplomacy, including special, regional, and international parliamentary sessions (Islands issue: Arab Parliament reiterates UAE’s sovereignty, 2012). Specifically, Ahmed Mohammed Al Jarwan indicated that participation by both countries in complying with the Palestinian Reconciliation Charter would aid in speeding up its implementation. He also argued that their participation would help establish a national reconciliatory government with committees that would aid in the development of a Palestinian Liberation Movement (Islands issue: Arab Parliament reiterates UAE’s sovereignty, 2012). Furthermore, Ahmed Mohammed Al Jarwan has asked the Arab Parliament to support the Palestinian struggle, particularly over Jerusalem, most notably by supporting the Palestinian assertion of the ability to resist the occupation in all forms. In conclusion, this research has examined the conflict between the United Arab Emirates and Iran regarding the islands of the Greater and Lesser Tunbs and Abu Mousa. Within this spectrum of investigation it’s demonstrated that the islands have experienced contention of ownership since the early 20th century. These contentions came to the forefront in the mid-20th century after the United Kingdom left the region. The present day has witnessed the United Arab Emirates pushing for international diplomatic efforts. Conversely, Iran has rejected these efforts, notably refusing to go before the International Court of Justice. Ultimately, the United Arab Emirates believes that Iran’s main claims are linked to the oil deposits in the region. References Haeri, S, (2012), Iran Press Service. Available from: http://www.iran-press- service.com/articles/iran_uae_saudi.html [Accessed: May 12, 2012]. Islands issue: Arab Parliament reiterates UAE’s sovereignty, (2012). Available from:  http://www.khaleejtimes.com/kt-article-display- 1.asp?xfile=data/government/2012/May/government_May38.xml§ion=governme nt [Accessed: May 12, 2012]. Schofield, R. (1994). Borders and territoriality in the Gulf and the Arabian peninsula during the twentieth century. In: Schofield (ed.) Territorial foundations of the Gulf states. London: UCL Press. Print. Schofield, Richard (2003). Unfinished Business: Iran, the Uae, Abu Musa and the Tunbs. London: Royal Institute of International Affairs. Read More