Contemporary Conflict in the Middle East - Book Report/Review Example

Contemporary Conflict in the Middle East Introduction The Arab–Israeli conflict denotes open hostilities and political tensions between the Jewish people and the Arab community of the Middle East. The origin of the modern Arab–Israeli war lies in the upsurge of Arab Nationalism and Zionism towards the culmination of the nineteenth era. The conflict between Arabs and Palestinian Jews arose in the early 20th century, escalating to all Arab League nations with the formation of the contemporary State of Israel in 1948. Region considered by the Jewish people as their ancient homeland is also considered by the Pan-Arab association as traditionally and currently belonging to the Palestinian Arabs, and in the Pan-Islamic view, in terrain considered as Muslim lands (Bickerton and Klausner, p. 1). The Religious aspects of the conflict The war, which begun as a nationalist and political conflict over contending regional ambitions following the downfall of the Ottoman Empire, has moved over the years from the hefty scale territorial Arab–Israeli battle to a more local Israeli–Palestinian war. Muslim, Jewish and Christian groups beseech religious quarrels for their unbending positions. Existing history of the Arab–Israeli war is very greatly affected by Jewish, Christian and Muslim religious dogmas and their elucidations of the notion of the chosen persons in their strategies with regard to the Chosen City of Jerusalem and Promised Land. The Land of Canaan also known as Eretz Yisrael meaning Land of Israel was, conferring to the Torah pledged by God to the Progenies of Israel. Rendering to theological studies, the Israelites reigned over that acreage from the 13th or 14th century (Bickerton and Klausner, p. 5). Muslims also entitle rights to that land in regard with the Quran. Conflicting with the Jewish prerogative that this land was pledged only to the progenies of Abraham's younger son Isaac, they dispute that the Acreage of Canaan was pledged to all posterities of Abraham, as well as his elder son Ishmael, from whom Arabs claim ancestry. Moreover, Muslims also worship many sites consecrated for Biblical Israelites, for instance The Temple Mount and the Cave of the Patriarchs, and in the preceding 1,400 years have built Islamic landmarks on these primeval Israelite spots, for example, the Al-Aqsa Mosque and Dome of the Rock (Bickerton and Klausner, p. 10). Muslims too trust that Muhammad passed through Jerusalem on his excursion to heaven. Hamas, which rules the Gaza Strip, claims that all of the acreage of Palestine (the contemporary Israel and Palestinian regions) is an Islamic waqf that ought to be ruled by Muslims. Christian Zionists back Israel because they identify an inherited right of Jews to this acreage, as proposed, for example, by Paul in Romans 11. A number of them also consider that the homecoming of Jews in Israel is a criterion for the Second Coming of Christ (Bickerton and Klausner, p. 11). The Palestinian-Israeli conflict The Arab-Israeli conflict or Israeli-Palestinian conflict, or whatever designation it goes by, is possibly one of the more subtle issues that is discussed. Since the historic British supremacy in the Middle East, and the more current US control and influence over the region, the Anglo-American aim is basically to be in a position to take over the Middle East because of the vast oil reserves and the West's trade and industry reliance upon it. Before the discovery of oil, some of the core reasons for indulgence in the Middle East had been spiritual (Islam, Judaism and Christianity all have origins in the Middle East) and on the natural land of the Arabs. Throughout the Cold War, the Soviet plea may have been used on frequent occasions to validate indulgence there, but in recent times, it has at all times been for oil. Hence, the backing for the Jewish populaces and the government of Israel has been because of the interests of oil and to make sure a supporter is there in the area (Bickerton and Klausner, p. 315). The end of September and October, 2000, has witnessed a series of ferocious events unfold that possibly informally mark the culmination of the Oslo accords. The 1993 Oslo Accord, whereby Israel acknowledged the PLO and gave them restricted autonomy in return for peace and an end to Palestinian entitlements on Israeli territory, has been principally critiqued as a one-sided consensus that benefits only Israel, not the Palestinian societies. Ariel Sharon, a former Israeli military general, (convoyed by 1000 soldiers) made a visit to a holy Muslim site, known as the Temple Mount by the Israelis, and Haram al Sharif (Noble Sanctuary) by the Muslims and declared it as eternal Israeli terrain. This enraged Palestinians, and resulted to a series of protests and vehemence and another major "uprising" or intifada (Bickerton and Klausner, p. 318). Violence and Protests As protests continued, the slaughter of a 12 year old Palestinian boy by Israeli soldiers was taken on film and aired around the world. Pictures of the boy and his father trying to hide behind solid water barrel whereas under a bombardment of bullets from Israeli soldiers that eventually killed the boy and injured the father, enraged millions. Closely, a good number of Palestinian youths had been throwing stones at Israeli forces, which reverted with live ammunition. By August 2002, the demise toll has reached one thousands of Palestinians killed along with hundreds of Israelis. Most of these have been noncombatant and the demise toll had risen rapidly since the commencement of this intifada (Bickerton and Klausner, p. 324). On both sides there has been abundant violence. Israeli militaries increased their assaults, using helicopter, gunships, missiles, tanks, and so forth, targeting civilians, villages, medical workers and even the Palestinian Authority's headquarters. The resultant Palestinian violence has been mostly at the huge killings and suppression by the Israeli military. Israeli civilians too have been infuriated by Palestinian violence and anti-Arab riots have been ferocious as well. Conflict and Bombings has also spread to South Lebanon (Bickerton and Klausner, p. 328). Rebel factions on both sides are currently stirring up antagonisms. Islamic militants are eliciting holy wars and duties to terminate Israel, while radical Jews are claiming akin forms of rhetoric against surrendering any land whatsoever, and deprecating Islam and Palestinians as not capable of conciliation, but violence. Regular citizens, both Palestinian and Jewish (keep in mind that there are many Palestinian and Christian refugees), are either then caught up in these emotions, or, whereas still overtly dissenting at the social injustices, and unsuccessful peace processes, are not renowned from the agenda of rebels. An Arab conference failed to get a very united reaction, although there was a general firmness to lessen ties to Israel, whereas Ehud Barak progressed to a time out of the concord process. This inferred towards an extra militaristic deportment than what it had previously been (Bickerton and Klausner, p. 330). A ceasefire treaty for November 2, 2000 was met with a bomb blast in a Jewish souk by the Islamic Jihad slaughtering two Israelis. Vengeance and irritation has seen Palestinians attacked and slaughtered as well. Through the 2001 violence the Israeli force has been sturdy while Palestinian suicide assaults particularly have been brutal. The terrorist attacks in the United States on September 11, 2001 have also seen its effects in Palestine Israel. A little bit it seemed like U.S. was prepared to attempt another round of peace conferences. Conversely, with the aforementioned the tit-for-tat murders (which included a shooting of an ultra-dangerous Israeli minister by an ultra- terrorist Palestinian group), and the present military movements by Israeli forces deeper into Palestinian region, any likelihoods of peace in the proximate future are rapidly waning (Bickerton and Klausner, p. 335). Additionally, with that killing of the Israeli minister, the political leaders have blamed Yasser Arafat of "harboring" terrorists, so as to be in a position to blame him unswervingly. This consents Israel a Barney to upsurge their military possibilities on the Palestinians (Bickerton and Klausner, p. 336). By this time Palestinians will mention that those killings from the Israeli side could correspondingly amount to acts of trepidation supported openly by the State (while the political clique that murdered the Israeli tourism minister was not associated to Arafat's group. This does sets a dangerous precedent the world all over. Following such lucidity then, many countries would as well be said to be sheltering terrorists, whether they are ability to do something about them or not or whether they back them or not. The tit-for-tat and blame games violence is hard to break out of, particularly when both sides are becoming more dangerous because of this very vehemence and frustrations. The commencing of December 2001 saw distressing suicide assaults in Israel, by Hamas members, murdering 25 people. This, they said, was in retribution for the killing of a Hamas member by Israeli forces, as part of the on-going targeted killings aforementioned. As a result Israel reacted with military retaliation and bombing this continued for a couple of days (Bickerton and Klausner, p. 335). They also intensified massive political pressure on Arafat's Palestinian Authority to capture and clampdown on those Hamas followers who planned this, saying that he is sheltering. The Israeli cabinet affirmed the Palestinian Authority “a body that supports trepidation.” This declaration chanced causing a split in the cabinet, with the Foreign Minister Shimon Peres accusing rudiments within the government of trying to bring about the collapse of the Palestinian Authority. Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon declared that Israel would blastoff its own "war on horror"(Bickerton and Klausner, p. 335). Subsequently, Arafat had detained some 200 members of Hamas. Conversely, this has also underlined another issue -- that of the mounting rift between several groups and factions among the Palestinian populace. There is cumulating terrorism, frustration and the dying out of more sensible voices and tactics. For instance, most Israelites reproach Arafat of not doing adequate, whereas many in Palestine condemn him of acting a like a puppet for Israel, by doing their bidding (Bickerton and Klausner, p. 339). The on-going retaliatory violence, as well as more suicide attacks (counting failed attempts), in addition to heavy military retribution with Apaches helicopters, F16s firing projectiles and using tanks, has resulted to more anger on both sides, Israeli and Palestinian. An Arab League conference near the end of March 2002, assembled to put into view a Saudi strategy of an assurance of security, peace and normal associations with Israel exchange for a full departure from Arab lands occupied ever since 1976, the founding of a Palestinian government with east Jerusalem as its capital city and a fair resolution for the 3.8 million Palestinian emigrants. A Hamas follower committed a suicide attack virtually to suggest antagonism to the peace plans being projected (Bickerton and Klausner, p. 242). The Gaza Crisis On 27th December, 2008, the Israeli offensive on Hamas in the Gaza Strip began and ended on January 17, 2009 when both Israel and Hamas declared separate ceasefires, which have turned out to be quite delicate (attacks began the day after). The offensive that lasted for three weeks claimed some 1,300 Palestinian mostly civilian, four hundred of which were children. While five thousand were injured with one thousand children and eight hundred women. Thirteen Israelis (three civilians) were also murdered. The Israel offensive left much of Gaza in wrecks. The repercussion also witnessed a humanitarian catastrophe with hundreds of thousands without water and tens of thousands left homeless (Bickerton and Klausner, p. 217). Hamas began shooting rockets into Israel after culminating a ceasefire with Israel. Israel had no choice but to protect itself. Israel went in hard on Hamas it chose to teach Hamas a very severe lesson. Nevertheless, the offensive ensued into many noncombatant victims since Hamas was functioning in the thickly populated Gaza strip. Since August, occupations, destruction of Palestinian homes, counter-violence, suicide bombing and all the other horrors have continued (Bickerton and Klausner, p. 165). Conclusion Both sides Israel and Palestine appeared to have missed prospects towards peace. While the "retaliatory" violence seems as though it will not culminate, the revulsions and suffering are borne particularly by innocent citizens on both sides. Israeli soldierly occupation (one of the core essential issues) and national terror, being repelled by a counter and intemperate terror has resulted to rage, travail and hatred both sides. Nevertheless, as Bickerton suggests, while the Palestinians may be fighting for a reason the means may not necessarily be justified, as it can itself be duplicitous and disparaging, if justice is the goal. The terrorist Palestinian groups such as Hamas perchance seem to overlook in their rage, what they are fighting for. None of this must be interpreted as inferring that there is any noble equivalence between the Israeli exertions to enact a foreign military tyranny on millions of individuals outside of Israel's borders and Palestinian struggle for emancipation. The intrinsic fairness of the Palestinian cause is palpable, as is the deep depravity of the livelihood. Palestinians have a right, acknowledged by the overall world community, to repel this occupation. However, repulsion cannot and should not implicate the deliberate massacre of innocent citizens. The ends, solely put, do not substantiate the means. Forfeiture of life on both sides is a catastrophe. Vehemence appears to only result in more vehemence. Extremism of both organized non-State, State and individual, leads to more terrorism and most of the groups involved appear to be locked in this plunging spiral. Thus, any probabilities of peace in the near impending are virtually gone. Works cited Bickerton, Ian J., and Klausner, Carla L. A History of the Arab-Israeli Conflict. 5th Ed. Missouri: Prentice Hall, 2006. Print. Read More