The Position of Puerto Rican Women - Essay Example

ESSAY Cheap, Seasonal Labor: The Unstable Position of Puerto Rican Women in the Workforce Throughout history, women’s participation in the laborforce has been shaped by a myriad of political, social, and cultural factors. The history of Puerto Rican women’s participation in their labor force on the island, as well as in the US, is also characterized by many transitions and upheavals in Puerto Rico’s turbulent shift from an independent subsistence farming industry to markets devoted to growing and making certain products to export to the U.S. Over the course of the twentieth century, Puerto Ricans have witnessed the transition from the farm to the factory, from the rural space to the urban space, and from the male-dominated labor force to a labor force heavily dominated by women, especially during times of economic crises. It was also during this period that Puerto Rican women developed a stronger worker and feminist consciousness, which contributed to the creation of several worker’s unions, feminist movements, and participation within the political sphere. Yet, these advances for women were severely curtailed throughout the 1960s to 1980s, in which racist, sexist, and classist policies and attitudes served to keep the majority of Puerto Rican women in low-wage service positions. Although this situation is slowly changing, the reality today is that a vast majority of these women are still suffering from major disadvantages in the job market; “in sum, structural unemployment and poor job opportunities, exacerbated by low educational attainment, are still the major factors that discourage Puerto Rican women from participating in the labor force” (Amott and Matthaie 285). Therefore, in an attempt to try and change the future by providing more education and support for Puerto Rican women, it is imperative to investigate the factors that contributed to their current marginalized position within the economic and social spheres of Puerto Rico and the United States. After the United States took control of Puerto Rico, the structure of the labor force changed dramatically. Shifting form subsistence farming to export farming, the vast majority of farmers lost their jobs, or were relegated to seasonal jobs in the sugar and tobacco producing industries. As a result, the lower wages earned by the male heads of house forced many women to enter the labor force. At that time, the vast majority of jobs opened to women were in the garment industry, which relocated many women from their rural homes and brought them into the urban cities to work in the factories. This surplus of cheap labor attracted U.S. manufacturers to open factories on the island; however, the increasingly poor work conditions instigated mass protests and unionization among the women in an attempt to force industry and government into providing an adequate wage with basic protections and provisions. Puerto Rican women’s participation in politics was instigated by these unfair capitalist ventures, and their participation would continue throughout the century. Another factor which caused a shift in women’s work was the increase of women enrolled in institutions of higher learning. Between 1903 and 1925, approximately three fourths of all graduates from the University of Puerto Rico were women, which witnessed a shift from low-skill, repetitive factory work to skilled trades and careers, such as teaching, nursing, and sales. Although the vast majority of women remained in these two female-dominated industries, there were a handful of Puerto Rican women who did enter male-dominated professions, such as engineering, law, and medicine. However, all workers, regardless of their education and skill level, were dealt a harsh blow during the depression. Puerto Rican workers on the island and in the U.S. were hit particularly hard during the recession; however, women were less affected as factories choose to keep women working at the expense of their male counterparts. These exploitive practices that favored keeping women because of their lower wages served to give women more power within the public and private spheres, for at least a little while. Yet, the state of Puerto Rico from the 1940s to the 1960s was devastating; infant mortality rates were unnaturally high, survival became an every day struggle, and women were receiving one of the lowest wages compared to other groups of women working in the labor force (Amott and Matthaie 271). Finally, labor and political movements were organized to attack and address the growing rate of unemployment and poverty in the country. Women were pivotal in the creation and maintenance of the oppositional political party, the Puerto Rican Independence Party, and they frequently occupied militant leftist positions within the organization. Lolita Lebron and Blanca Cavales are two examples of Puerto Rican women who challenged the status quo through national revolts and protests; unfortunately, these examples did not serve to change the living and working conditions of Puerto Rican women (Amott and Matthaie 272). Once again, women saw the shift of the female labor force from the factories into clerical work and, once again, the 1950s to the 1970s witnessed a massive decrease in male participation in the labor market in favor of the female workers who would work in low-skilled, lower-wage positions. These strategic maneuvers caused resentment within Puerto Rican communities and between Puerto Ricans and native-American workers. Racist employment and colonial policies are said to be written over the bodies of marginalized peoples, most specifically on the bodies of women. During periods of economic struggle in the U.S., employment practices favored hiring Puerto Ricans at a much lower wage than their Anglo-American counterparts. In addition, on the island, gender played a particularly poignant role in employing women at the expense of men. Although this was not the only factor, it must be considered as a major contributor to the rise of female headed households in America. It is estimated that in the 1980s, 35% of Puerto Rican families were headed by women; however, this did not signal autonomy or independence (Amott and Matthaie 283). In an increasingly disadvantaged position, these Puerto Rican mothers had among the highest levels of unemployment compared to women of other groups, and their ability to support their families was further challenged by having to play the dual role of breadwinner and homemaker. Once again, in an attempt to change the unfavorable social, political, and economic condition for Puerto Rican women, feminist groups starting to organize and demand greater educational opportunities, heightened protection against workplace discrimination and domestic abuse, and greater representation for women in politics. These feminist groups are accredited with instigating the seeds of change for Puerto Rican women; however, at present, these women still have the highest levels of unemployment and the lowest labor force participation of other groups of women in the United States (Amott and Matthaie 284). Issues about education and employment opportunities are being raised; yet, the surprising statistics about the employment rate and living conditions of Puerto Rican women paint a very pessimistic picture. Throughout periods of hardship, racist and sexist policies were created to target these women as a source of cheap and plentiful labor; however, as the economy has stabilized, their services are no longer needed so they are among the first to become unemployed. As a result, if the reality of Puerto Rican women is going to change from the current version of seasonal, low paid, unskilled labor to skilled occupations offering competitive salaries and benefits, there needs to be a major push by the U.S. and Puerto Rican governments towards providing women access to education and social support. (ESSAY 2) Colonialism, Capitalism, Socialism and Feminism: The Rise of Puerto Rican Women in the Workforce from 1900 – 1930 After making Puerto Rico a colony of the US in 1896, the work force was restructured to focus primarily on export crops, including sugar and tobacco, and the garment industry. Subsistence farming decreased, as well as the number of women working in this field; by the 1930s, it is estimated that 67% men occupied agricultural work (Amott and Matthaei 262). Consequently, this resulted in the “decline of independent family farming, sharecropping, and tenant farming, and the growth of a landless rural labor force… [that] found season employment in sugar and tobacco production” (Amott and Matthaei 262). This also had an extreme impact on the types of work women participated in. As a result of lower wages for the men, Puerto Rican women had to find alternative work opportunities to contribute to the household income, which found many of them entering the urban workforce in manufacturing industries. Although the conditions in most factors were horrific, it did serve as a catalyst to the creation of labor unions. The rise of the wage earning class coupled with the atrocious working conditions nurtured the creation of a strong worker’s movement that was spearheaded by a large body of women workers. Through this process, a strong feminist consciousness emerged, which encouraged women to demand equality in the workforce, as well as equality within the political sphere. As active members in trade unions, women are credited as the creators of the Free Labor Federation (1899), which fought for better working conditions, higher wages, and universal suffrage. A key figure in the labor movement was Louisa Capetillo, a feminist and working-class activist, challenged the social climate in Puerto Rico by being an outspoken critic of capitalism, a feminist who wore slacks and had children outside of wedlock, and a writer. Women like Capetillo served as inspiration for other Puerto Rican women, especially in areas of education. As a result of the divide between the rural male workforce and the urban female workforce, women had more opportunity to attend institutions of higher learning. While mothers worked in poor conditions, they encouraged their daughters to educate themselves; between 1903 and 1925, over three quarters of all graduates from the University of Puerto Rico were women (Amott and Matthaei 266). Consequently, this new generation of academic women entered better paid professions such as teacher, nurse, and librarian and, in a few cases, they also challenged male-dominated professions by becoming engineers, lawyers, and doctors. Undoubtedly, this increase in education contributed significantly towards the suffrage movement. Another affect of US presence in Puerto Rico was the migration from Puerto Rico to the US in the early twentieth century. Workers were drawn to the US because of the high employment opportunities that occurred as a result of strict immigration policies that kept Eastern Europeans and other ethnic minorities out of the country. Having signed The Jones Act, these restrictive policies did not affect Puerto Ricans, and the subsequent effect was the creation of strong Puerto Rican communities, especially in New York City. However, regardless of whether they were working in Puerto Rico or America, the depression adversely affected all Puerto Rican workers, causing acute levels of unemployment and a focused effort on survival. In this harsh climate, women mobilized once again to organize strikes against the US capitalists who were profiting while the Puerto Ricans suffered. This period was particularly harsh on women who, in attempt to ensure survival, had to find alternative means to make money which frequently involved leaving their families and entering into prostitution. However, the hardships of the 1930s and 40s cannot overshadow the key role women played in labor unions and the suffrage movement, and “the courage and militancy of these women…inspired others to organize” (Amott and Matthaei 270). Works Cited Amott, Teresa, and Julie Matthaei. A Multicultural Economic History of Women in the United States A Multicultural Economic History of Women in the United States. Boston: South End Press, 1991. Questia. Web. 25 Nov. 2010. Read More