Legacy of Chiles Dictatorship on Contemporary Chilean Society - Essay Example

The legacy of Chile’s dictatorship (1973-1990) on contemporary Chilean society and the role of human rights organizations in Chile today Introduction: Human being’s insatiable lust for power, indomitable thirst for material possession and evil desire to dominate over others in terms of ideological, cultural and social aspects receive a complete manifestation through dictatorship. History of the entire human civilization would show numerous instances of dictatorship, starting from Julius Caesar to Adolf Hitler and the magnitude of inhuman torture that common people encountered at different points of time but it is quite regrettable to see that such attitude of dominating over people has not stopped. The legacy of Chilean dictatorship under the military regime of Augusto Pinochet during 1973-1990 clearly asserted the fact that dictatorship is a socio-politico-economic evil and it can germinate in any society, at any point of time unless people learn to respect rights, value of life and liberty of their fellow human beings. The dictatorial reign of Augusto Pinochet from 1973 to 1990 is characterized by typical dictatorial traits of governance. Starting from 11th September, 1973 to 11th March, 1990, almost for a period of sixteen and half years Chile witnessed abundant abuse of human rights, murder, torture on women and genocide (Barros 1). The transition of Chilean system of governance from autocracy to democracy was surely a remarkable incident in the domain of political history of the nation. However, the effect of Pinochet’s sixteen and half years of dictatorial reign was quite far fetching different dimensions of socio-cultural existence of Chile clearly bear evidences of the experience that people of this country encountered during the reign of dictatorship. Development of the foundation of dictatorship through democracy: The shift of Chilean governance from democratic to autocratic structure is not an isolated process; rather there are several associated aspects that played helped in germination of autocratic rule. Internal political turmoil, increasing demand for reformation of existing structure and democratic government’s failure to satisfy needs of people, dependence of Chilean government on the United States to initiate the reformation process and Cold War are the most important issues that finally led to the collapse of democratic structure. In this context, receiving an overview of political situation of the nation from 1958 to 1973 becomes important. During this phase demand for reformation was creating pressure on the contemporary Alessandri government, which did not have sufficient financial capacity to execute reform policies and automatically had to depend on the United States financial assistance to materialize the plan. The United States, on the other hand, was interested in internal affairs of Chile as well as of other Latin American nations, mainly to ensure a greater deal of support in the Cold War against Soviet Union. Additionally, Chile’s natural resources, mainly copper, provided extra impetus to the United States as Vietnam War enhanced the demand for copper in US market (Falcoff 219). Prior to the 1958 election in Chile the right-wing parties of the nation developed coalition to restrain the Salvador Allende and other left wing parties to come in power. In this context the right wing parties also received complete support of the United States as Christian Democratic Party and Unidad Popular Party were focused initiating reform without support from any other external forces. If, either of these two parties would come to power, in consequence that would curtail scope of United States from churning out the expected rate of benefit from Chile (Rector 155). Strong support of the United States for right wing governance becomes clear through its extensive financial support during 60s and strategic steps to prevent Allande government from coming to power. In the 1970, when Allande finally came to power, with the application of National Security Council Memorandum 93, the Nixon government clearly stated regarding financial assistance to Chile, “…all new bilateral foreign assistance … to be stopped …. The U.S would use its predominant position in international financial institutions to dry up the flow of new multilateral credit or other financial assistance. To the extent possible, financial assistance or guarantees to U.S. private investment in Chile would be ended …” (Falcoff 218). The defiance of the United States against Allande government did not end only by stopping financial assistance but with its desire to get back its hold over internal affairs of Chile, it took all sorts of possible steps to remove Allande from power. During three years of Allande presidency United States also “…opposed loans to Chile by international financial institutions, strengthened its ties to Chile’s armed forces, and covertly financed numerous opposition groups …. Despite the brutality of the coup and its aftermath, which resulted in the death and disappearance of at least 3,000 Chileans, the United States welcomes the new government and quickly resumed economic assistance” (Painter 78). It becomes clear from such observation that the United States played a considerably important role in sustaining the autocratic rule in Chile and also played a major part in polarizing as well as making the Allande government weak. Situation could have been better for Chile with support from the Soviet Union but it also maintained a safe distance from Chile and its political condition except certain amount of economic support. Reflecting over the entire situation and prevailing political turmoil from 1958 to 1973, it can be said that despite prior to autocratic reign Chile enjoyed democratic system of governance, but the seeds of dictatorship was gradually germinating within the system. The U.S support to Chilean military and opposing parities of Allande government not only made the socialist-democratic structure of the nation weak, but at the same time it also prevented any other alternative force to control the situation and stop Pinochet’s aggressive approach from flourishing to the highest extent. The Commence of Pinochet reign and abuse of Human Rights: The prevailing political crisis during the governance of President Salvador Allende provided a fertile ground for Augusto Pinochet and his followers to control the administrative system of Chilean governance. Waves of disturbances were gradually becoming conspicuous; however, the final indication that the military power has turned against existing system of governance finally became poignant on 10th September 1973 as the President was receiving “disturbing reports of troop movements in and around Santiago …” (Ensalaco 1). During this time, proper support and assistance from military officials could have put the entire situation under control but leading military officials also went against President Salvador Allende and refused to provide the President with right information. The Chilean army was ready to remove Salvador Allende’s Popular Unity party from democratic system of Chile and the entire nation “was plunged in the midst of a profound political crisis, and the breakdown of its vaunted democracy seemed inevitable and imminent” (Ensalaco 1-2). The entire situation was completely favorable for contemporary army general Pinochet so that he could order a military action and control the situation. Finally, on 11th September 1973, Pinochet ordered the army movement and main objective of the movement was to take Moneda Place under control. Due to this movement, former President Salvador Allende and his supporters were confined and they were provided with the chance of unconditional surrender. Pinochet also received support of three other generals of Chilean military in the formation of junta and the reign of dictatorship commenced, which continued for more than sixteen years. The very first thing that Pinochet did after coming to power was to militarize the entire system of Chilean state. As the chief of Chilean armed force, he also became head of the executive power and he took successful steps aftermath to diminish power of other democratic devices that could have stopped him from full fledged exercise of his dictatorial power, “The judicial system was marginalized, with the acquiescence of the magistrates of the Supreme Court, and with catastrophic consequences for human rights” (Ensalaco 50). Pinochet took all sorts of steps that would help him to enhance his power to the highest extent and exaggeration of these steps commenced since the moment of coming to power. Some of the important steps that were aimed at ensuring his complete control on Chilean state affairs are, first, banning of all Leftist parties from Chile; second, dissolving the Congress with the help of junta; third, issuing decree laws, that the four man junta would receive highest power over all state affairs and it would attain the capacity to exercise “all sorts of executive, legislative and constitutive powers” (Ensalaco 50). In order to ensure proper and successful implementation of these steps, the Pinochet government exercised immense torture and oppression that resulted in abundant violation of human rights, which was perhaps never witnessed before in the history of entire Latin America. In order to provide an impression of the entire scenario, a small passage from Steve J. Stern’s book Battling for hearts and minds: memory struggles in Pinochets Chile, 1973-1988, seems perfectly relevant, “The repression in Pinochet’s Chile was large in scale and layered in its implementation. In a country of only 10 million people in 1973, individually proved cases of death and disappearance by state agents … amount to about 3,000; … documented political arrest exceed 82,000; the exile flow amounts to about 200,000. … using a conservative methodology, a reasonable estimated toll for deaths and disappearances by state agents is 3,500 – 4,500, for political detentions 150,000 – 200,000. Some credible torture estimates surpass the 100,000 threshold, some credible exile estimates reach 400,000” (Stern xxi). History of the world as well as of contemporary Latin America provide us with numerous examples of state hostility against its own people, especially under such situations when a particular section of the people expressed their antagonism against the existing form of government. In case of Chile, under the Pinochet reign the situation was no different but due to its size and small population, torture inflicted by the dictator on its citizens took a pervasive shape. During the period of 1973-1990 there was hardly any family in Chile, including the supporters of dictatorial system of governance that remained unaffected by Pinochet’s oppressive actions. The systematic disappearance of people during Pinochet’s governance was a new experience that Latin American people obtained both from political and cultural perspectives. Research of political scientists like Steve J. Stern on contemporary situation in Chile provides sufficient evidence in support of such argument, “A majority of families, including supporters and sympathizers of the military regime, had a relative, a friend, or an acquaintance touched by one or another form of repression. Just as important, from political and cultural points of view, Pinochet’s Chile pioneered a new technique of repression in Latin American context” systematic “disappearance” of people. After the point of abduction, people vanished in a cloud of secrecy, denial, and misinformation by the state” (Stern xxi-xxii). Prior to the autocratic rule, led by Pinochet, the Chilean people had a notion that compared to other structures of governance their system was more stable, civilized and abiding to law. It was, somehow, impossible for them to imagine such forms of torture that a state could execute on its citizens going beyond “margins set by legal procedure and human decency”. In this context the entire outlook of Chilean people regarding their cultural upbringing, inheritance and civilization was radically transformed by the dictatorial reign of the Pinochet government (Stern xxi-xxii). The changed perception of people during the Pinochet governance, both towards political and cultural aspects, had far fetched effect and results of such change was observed more explicitly after transition of Chilean system of governance from autocracy to democracy. Dictatorship and aftermath: Literature, artworks and visual medium emerged as power mediums that documented traits of socio-cultural change that became explicit in the post autocratic Chile. Torture, humiliation, and naked aggression of human beings aimed against their fellow counterparts that Chilean society observed for a period of almost 2 decades mostly affected youth sensitivity and progress of women in the particular social context. Economically the nation also experienced a great deal of set back and transition to democracy did not immediately solve the problem. Just within two years of Pinochet government coming to power, there has been a sharp decline in the GDP of Chile and it experienced a fall of 16.6%. Free market and random import of foreign goods, especially from the U.S. almost devastated the manufacturing industry. The rate of unemployment was increasing at a dynamic rate and by 1980 the rate of unemployment became almost 28% (Keen, and Haynes 508). However, amidst the prevailing murkiness of Pinochet regime, despite women became subjects of exploitation to a great extent but their defiance against dictatorial rule was surely inspiring for all those forces that were fighting against Pinochet government. Apart from providing food and shelter to people, trying to hide themselves away from the arbitrary action of the contemporary government, they also provided information about those people who disappeared suddenly. Creation and use of “arpilleras”, a special form of Chilean folk art provided a unique dimension to their protest and elevated their protest from being just a political affair. Use of the “arpilleras” became so popular that later on it became an essential symbol of protest against dictatorship, “These arpilleristas later participated in hunger strikes and … (chain-ins), chaining themselves to the Supreme Court building, Pinochet’s house, and various other government buildings to protest against dictatorship” (Keen, and Haynes 510). However, dispute such massive participation of women in the process of protest against dictatorship, position of women in Chilean society experienced damaged treatment. Not only during Pinochet’s reign but even after transition of Chilean society to democratic setup women remained as a legal possession for men. Their rights to labor legislation, social participation and to work as a part of legitimate workforce of the nation were hampered considerably (Keen, and Haynes 510). Thus, while evaluating the democratic set up and position of women in the same, Marjorie Agosín has regretted over the condition of women in the new system and her observation has also reflects the plight of women from a universal perspective, “Women have historically been the ones who guard memory, and the same women have been placed in minor roles throughout history. In the rhetoric of nations trying to recover democracy, the belief is that forgetting is necessary” (25). In the book Marketing democracy: power and social movements in post-dictatorship Chile, author Julia Paley has also provided an impression of post dictatorial Chilean society and the image does not fit the long desired image of democracy. Her description introduces us to a society, which is idle and suffers from lack of enthusiasm. Youth section of the society has not been able to recover from the cultural shock during Pinochet reign and they remain busy in keeping themselves drugged with cultural influences of foreign nations, forgetting their own cultural prosperity (Paley 86). The new democracy has created a group of young men who “…roamed in groups, drinking and carrying knives, disappearing over fences and into houses at the sight of police” (Paley 87) and they also have lives of others problematic. During the days of passionate protest against dictatorial regime the author observed the youths in a different role: they had dreams to create new things but the post dictatorial society has offered her an entirely different generation that loves to go for protest just for the purpose of enjoyment or “for fun” (Paley 88). Role of Human Rights organizations: The term “right”, in the modern context, is mostly used only to elaborate a legal ideology. However, it also has a further humanitarian interpretation, which is mostly ignored. Right not only means exaggerating an individual’s claim to society but it also includes an empathetic approach, which makes a person realize as well as respect the sense of general righteousness and demand of other people towards him. Unless an individual learns to respect his own rights, it will not be possible for him to respect others. The modern democratic system of Chile is suffering from the problem as most of the people are only concerned about their rights but casts minimum attention to the sense of righteousness. The human rights organizations can take initiatives to make people, especially the youth section of the society to respect and understand the proper meaning of right. The kind of loss that Pinochet government exaggerated on Chilean society has not been compensated and it would not be fulfilled unless the youths come forward for its protection. Starting from poverty to prevailing financial crisis to serving the needy people, a lot of things need to be done from recovering the situation of crisis. Unfortunately, the Chilean people, especially the young generation, has remained ignorant regarding these issues and they are busy in keeping themselves obsessed with trivial offerings of foreign culture. Apart from providing proper service and assistance to common people, one of the major challenges for Human Rights organizations is Chile is to make the citizens aware about their rights and provide them with the impetus so that they can come out of the darkness of ignorance and strive their way forward to a bright future. The blessings of democracy and its benefits can be properly realized only when people learn to value their conjoint potential and sacrifice of their fellow people, who have given everything for attainment of freedom. The human rights organizations in Chile can make people value such virtuous sacrifice and lead the nation to a higher enlightenment. Works Cited Agosín, Marjorie. Tapestries of hope, threads of love: the arpillera movement in Chile. Ed: 2. ] Maryland: Rowman & Littlefield, 2008. Barros, Robert. Constitutionalism and dictatorship: Pinochet, the Junta, and the 1980 constitution. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002. Ensalaco, Mark. Chile under Pinochet: recovering the truth. Pennsylvania: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2000. Falcoff, Mark. Modern Chile: A Critical History. New Jersey: Transaction Publishers, 1989. Haynes, Keith. and Keen, Benjamin. A History of Latin America. Connecticut: Cengage Learning, 2008. Painter, David S. The Cold War: an international history. London: Routledge, 1999. Paley, Julia. Marketing democracy: power and social movements in post-dictatorship Chile. University of California Press, 2001. Rector, John Lawrence. The history of Chile. California: Greenwood Publishing Group, 2003 Stern, Steve J. Battling for hearts and minds: memory struggles in Pinochets Chile, 1973-1988. North Carolina: Duke University Press, 2006 Read More