Was Deng Xiaoping's Foreign Policy a Success or a Failure - Research Paper Example

Deng Xiaopings foreign policy Introduction: Deng Xiao Ping was a leader who can be considered as a person who transformed china from autocratic communism to capitalistic communism (I used this phrase as he adopted capitalist policies, copied from no where). Learning lessons from the failure of Soviet block he strived for economic development and wealth creation. Unlike his predecessor he recognised the importance of wealth creation for being strong. From the midst of the Deng’s era in china the economic policies started dominating the foreign and military policy of any country in the world. Though China fought with US in Korea and in case of Taiwan in his period he was successful in being a strategic partner for US and achieving MFN status for his country. Though Korea and Japan are trade partners for US in Asia, the policies of US regarding China even dominated election manifesto of that Country. When discussing about the foreign policy of Deng Xiao Ping, it is reasonable to mention about US. The underlying reason is that in post cold war period, US emerged as a single super power and any country’s foreign policy was compelled to keep US in consideration if it wants to be a major partner in world trade. Deng’s policy was matter of discussion because China developed links with US despite confrontation in past and present (Taiwan). The significant feature in the Deng’s foreign policy is recognising the US as a sole super power in post cold war period. The growth of China compelled US to treat human rights and economic benefits separately. Development of Sino US relations: From the date of sworn in of George Bush in 1989 till the end of two term presidency of Bill Clinton Sino American relations took a dramatic changes. Bush even visited China before visiting Europe to state the new priorities and China reciprocated in the same way US responses.1 The communication gap between China and Soviet Union, the down ward trend of Soviet Union’s economy, George Bush’s diplomacy in meeting China’s leadership before Gorbachev met them made this foreign policy a successful thing for PRC (people’s Republic of China). In the aftermath of Tiananmen Square incident China’s top leadership recognised that US have its own compulsions regarding the moral and human values. From that point of time both the countries started responding cautiously to each other’s acts and deeds. The opening of China’s market and the opportunities to establish industries there by US companies made Bill Clinton to treat human rights and economic issues separately to avoid sanctions on China. After 1994 gesture of Clinton there was even military confrontation between US and China regarding Taiwan Strait. But within one year China recognised the compulsions of US regarding Taiwan and summits were held between the two countries in 1997 and 1998, which resulted a strategic partnership between the two countries. After that though a failure, US supported to include China in WTO. A saying was developed in diplomatic circles in between 1989-2000. It was “the American elections start with criticising China and the elected president term ends with developing relations with China”. This gives the intentions of the leaders of both the countries to develop relations in spite of opposition in the home country. The reason is that the populations of the two countries interacted very less till then. The interaction is possible when the relations develop. So instead of stepping into precipice, the leaders of both the countries tried to refrain themselves from criticising each other in the case of domestic and international developments. Though the per capita income of China is less than number of western countries, the vastness of its economy and number of customers in its 1.2 billion population made West and US to develop strategic relations with China. So if Deng’s foreign policy was termed as a success, the credit goes to the economic development of China. Though there are disparities in distribution of wealth in China, the size of the economy compels any Western country including US to maintain relationship with China. According to David.M. Lampton, if peace and stability in Asia are the concerns of US it can work with China. But if US wants to change China’s domestic political structure it is better not to develop ties with China.1 Whatever may be the priority the US administration carefully followed aforesaid statement in dealing with China. According to wishes of Chinese leaders it stopped intervening in China’s internal matters and China too reciprocated with refraining itself in case of Taiwan after 1995-96 crisis. When China and US started showing refrain on Taiwan Strait and stopped using force Taiwan lifted ban on Taiwan Strait. This was the result of one China policy of America sticking to use of no force by china in resolving the Taiwan issue. China also responded positively to the gesture of development of cultural relations between the people of China and Taiwan, which is capable of bringing rapprochement between them. The complex relations with China are a blend of cooperation and contention. These contentions were kept in control by careful attention and efforts from both Beijing and Washington to avoid them from falling into the dead end of the relationship. The above mentioned relationship between China and US continued despite some pessimistic views of some diplomats and economists. According to Gerald Segal, in 1800 China accounted for 33 percent of world manufacturing output. At that time the manufacturing output of whole Europe and US were far less than the China. But by 1900 China’s manufacturing output was 6.2 percent and that of Europe and US are far more than China.2 This thing did not control US and Europe in developing relations with China. They recognised that the calculation of product in modern age was in terms of dollars and the China’s currency was down valued to increase exports. This makes the products to be valued less when calculated in dollars. Though the percapita income is less the number of people who have purchasing capacity is more than the population of US and Europe if they are considered separately. This vast market made Deng to act stubbornly in preserving the domestic political interests and gave him capacity to bargain with US and West in developing strategic partnership and economic relationships. As all the policies in after 1990 are revolving around economic relations the foreign policy of China was carefully articulated keeping in view its economic advantage over the West and its interests in this area. Every president who was about to come to power in US used to talk about containing china if it uses force on Taiwan and talked about taking steps to control expansion of communism. But after the election and as his period goes on the presidents of US developed strategic relations with China. China also responded in equal gear by refraining itself from attacking Taiwan and instead of expansion of communism it is trying to develop influence in modern world scenario. For example when controlling its neighbouring country India, it developed relationships with Pakistan and helped it militarily. Here there is no expansion of communism but the influence of China on Pakistan was established. This type execution of its strategy was a method of US administration also. On the other hand it is working by establishing Joint Working Groups with India to resolve border issue and at the same time taking steps to develop trade relations with that country. The policy of consideration and contention was being adopted by Deng and his followers to develop their country’s foreign policy and they are successful in executing it by using different scenarios in the world politics. The success of China’s foreign policy depends on Deng Xiao Ping’s momentous decision to introduce capitalism in China.1 This is evident from the fact that the growth rates even surpass that of the United States. Deng recognised that to increase influence in the modern world (no imperial intentions) economic development is necessary to preserve the military might. The more the capitalism, the more the democracy exists. The democracies are less prone to the war when compared to autocracies. The success of foreign policy lies in making the people change according to the circumstances the economic reforms demand. In China’s history the change occurred only due to revolution. But the change from the Marxist to capitalist system did not witness any political upheaval. The power transformations were also done peacefully unlike to the past confrontations. This stability and tranquillity in China (in the post Tiananmen period) made Deng’s capitalist policies a way to carve successful foreign policy. The corruption that was frequently pointed out by some critics did not hinder the economic development and that made the foreign policy more planned and successful. Another key to the success of foreign policy of Deng is that instead of being imperialistic like Soviet Union China first concentrated on South Sea, Taiwan and Hong Kong. It then started influencing regional politics instead of occupying the smaller countries it started helping them and after influencing them by its policies. This was a strategy generally followed by US in developing of its influence all over the world in the absence of military intervention. Executing this type of policy successfully tells about the maturity of thinking in top political leadership in China. The success of a policy lies in adopting the change. Deng Xiao Ping recognised the changes in international political and economical arena and changed the execution of policies accordingly. He capitalised the economy of China and the next generation (III) leadership under Jiang Zemin started being professional, pluralized and appointing youth trained in West in key positions. The professionalism and research mind in west educated youth reach the top leadership in the form of advice and they take decision accordingly.1 The Chinese administration learned to show concern to the external voices and concerns, which was key to be successful internationally. Not only the MFA, some groups and organisations which are not a part of decision making may involve in technology and transfer and smuggling. Even non tax income which flows from outside to China is important to citizens and all the afore mentioned things have a potential of rising external concerns. When the external pressure exists the administration must control the internal organisations and even explain the international agencies and friendly countries the need to export the things of their concern. Another point that tells about the success of the foreign policy and the way it was achieved was the political elite of china transformed from strategic visionaries to technical managers. It does not mean that they are no more strategic visionaries but along with that they recognised the need of professionalism and scientific methods and research to take a decision. Not only in the time of Deng and Zemin even Zhou En Lai sent one of his lieutenants to study in London about international economics and legal matters. The same mind set of adopting change was followed by Deng and his next generation to frame their policies regarding international matters. Another key point to their success is the change in domestic structure along side with the policies framed in MFA. This made the Chinese people interact with international community and support their leaders’ change in policies. One of the structures that can be pointed out is that the corporate pluralisation in China. Almost all the organisations have their role to effect the functioning of MFA. Though the corporate participants in MFA meetings are less in number, they are gradually increasing. Even the no participants also have a chance to make their voice felt with the help of other participants. This pluralisation is capable of increasing expertise in the functioning of an organisation and administration. Another domestic change which paved way for the successful foreign policy is the structural change that Chinese administration has undergone in the last two decades. The unchallenged state hegemony no longer exists and instead of central planning system, the market policies were being implemented. The communes disappeared and private farming came into existence.1Though there are some legal concerns regarding the private farming and its owner ship the ever changing attitude of Chinese is capable of changing that according to the need of the time. To cope up with the international standards there must be reduction of role of state in day to day affairs of the society. This has happened in Chinese society to create experts and professionals to serve the nation in the period of economic reforms. The western educated professionals, bureaucrats and experts lent their expertise and professionalism in framing and making china’s policies a success. It is evident in the modern reform period that the economic growth is key for successful foreign policy. This was recognised by Deng just in time and his capitalist policies registered 10 percent economic growth for almost two decades, which was a result of reduction of state role in the economic affairs. The need of China for technology, the need of jobs in western companies and countries for its people, compelled china to reform its policies. At the same time nationalism is also coming to the fore when China’s human rights record was criticised by West and when Chinese embassy was bombed by US in Yugoslavia. But the cautious reaction of china and the response of the west by detaching the human rights record from the economic issues made China’s policy as a right decision in right time. Understanding China’s foreign policy is different from understanding its internal policies. But a researcher can find one thing in common; both the policies have pragmatic approach instead of idealistic and stubborn point of view.2 The lists of Deng’s modernisations are agriculture, industry, science and technology and military. After modernising the first three, the military modernisation started after 1995-96. Despite the military modernisation China remained reluctant to interfere in the Asian and third world organisations. The main reason was the gradual change that was being brought in its domestic structure and international policies. This made China to benefit from the economic reforms and enabled its integration into international community. The intention of international community to draw China into international arena also helped China for this integration. This made china to enter into international agreements regarding arms and nuclear proliferation and China was successful in extracting the reasonable economic benefit by signing those agreements. To keep international peace intact it is necessary to have a modernised and internationally integrated China. When we think in that manner the basic strength (though it was not the super power) of that country helped to build a successful economic policy along with the required changes in its international approach and domestic structure. Here the prudence of Chinese administration can be appreciated as its neighbour India was not able to get that much benefits and did not achieve growth as much as China. It was mentioned earlier that the reduction of state intervention paved the way for economic growth, which resulted in framing of successful foreign policy. When the market values gave rise to competition it eroded the profits of public sector companies. Instead of helping them to cope up with the loss by granting fund the different departments in the Government removed their stakes (disinvestment) from those companies and made them compel to compete with the private sector to achieve quality and to get profit. This action was absent even in democratic countries like India though disinvestment was being made. The industry thrived due to these types of timely action on crucial issues and timely intervention of the state whenever it needed. For example, administration intervened whenever there was an infrastructure problem for the industry. In other words this type of actions resulted in market expansion and thus rationalised the state administration. Some even argue that after rationalisation of state administration these changes took place. Whatever may be the situation both occurred in timely manner resulting in framing of a changed and different foreign policy which was considered as post Mao foreign policy. Though the Jiang and other third generation leaders are responsible for bringing professional and technical youth into the administration, it was due to initialisation of change by Deng Xiao Ping. So the actions and deeds of Jiang and other leaders are nothing but a continuity of Deng’s policies and bringing the required change whenever and wherever possible. Relations with neighbours: Though China integrated itself with international community it was due to the a successful foreign policy aided with strength of the state, the permanent membership in UN and economic growth it achieved in last two decades. But the success in relations with the neighbours evoked mixed results. The policy of helping Pakistan to control India was a main point in the agenda of Beijing. This is due to the fear that the India’s military, nuclear policy and development may harm China at the time of crisis. But the capabilities of India are acquired by Pakistan also by China’s aid. China’s administration did not recognise the softness of India when compared to Pakistan. It is familiar to every one that the China’s policy towards India will be framed according to the Tibet issue as Tibetans and their leader did find asylum in that country. Moreover the relations of India with Russia and US were a cause of concern for China as the weapons acquired by India may outclass those the China has.1 Realistic attitude in foreign policy: Instead of idealistic view like his predecessors Deng developed a defensive realism when he resumed changing the structure and foreign policy of his country. The clashes between China and US gave a hint of Chinese rise internationally, but both the countries drew themselves back from entering into precipice. The subsequent pages of this paper will discuss three aspects (1) to understand offensive and defensive realism, analysis of Chinese foreign policy through realism, to estimate the future power of China.1 The analysis concentrates on economic and security concerns of foreign policy, the capacity of projecting the power to secure resources, modernising military. Along with these the analysis concentrates on the fact that whether the Chinese administration is just modernising the military or preparing for the offensive. The argument of this analysis is that the foreign policy of PRC is based on defensive realism. It is trying to influence Asia. The idea of protecting borders along with securing influence includes Taiwan, South China Sea which is oil rich. The frequent rattling with US is just a pressure increasing technique to safeguard its benefits and advantages. China recognised that the offensive actins of US in the middle east do not pose a threat to its existence or for its economic growth. At the same time US cannot ignore China’s actions of increasing influence. This situation made both the countries develop strategic relationship in last two decades. The reason for the US to develop strategic relationship with China is that the Chinese leaders were successful to convey to US that the PRC based on a rational defensive realist process is not a threat to US if its economic, political and military resources and benefits are taken into consideration. The principles of realistic theory in international relations help us to estimate the future of Chinese foreign policy. Generally the states which act rationally, change according to the time and need, the states which act according to the national, military and security as dominant interests. To know about the operating of the state one should know about the social, economic, security and political structure of the country and how they communicate with each other. There fore all the factors like GDP, population, size and efficiency of military, defence expenditure can be considered as the measures of potential of the country. Some times even lesser capita income can be ignored in estimating power if GDP is large enough. The interests of the state can be divided into two; extreme politics, and low level politics. Security and existence come under extreme politics and trade along wth socio-economic policies come under low level politics. Generally the power to influence another state depends upon a country’s capabilities, intentions to assert and accept the results and a country’s relative capacities when compared to its competitor in influencing another state. The Country when motivated by capacity and national interest will try to achieve gains from their adversaries. As a result the countries try to maintain their territorial integrity and try to concentrate on defence security when there is any adverse affect was supposed to be happen. The economic, leadership and military capacities are considered as the core of the power. China formed strategic alliances with US and other countries like Pakistan and South East Asian states to increase its power and economic security. As the states with which China entered into strategic partnership are also rational states the economic growth and benefits of the state were kept secured. Any country will avoid projecting force into another one for the fear of retaliation, causalities and damage. This fact can assure international community that the deployment of Chinese forces against US or any potential country is capable of not only destruction of infrastructure but also economic growth and benefits of China. This reason refrains China from such an act. For this reason US was feeling secure of growing military modernisation of China. In circumstances such as security dilemma the actions and decisions taken by one country can be viewed sceptically by its rival or competitor. In 1989 when Bush visited China and met Deng, he expressed the same sceptical views. The PRC’s recent military modernisation and aiding Pakistan technologically are that type of concerns for US, which made that country closer to India than in the past. As long as the China’s military modernisation and aiding its friendly countries do not create a security concern to US and Europe the integration of China internationally is not affected. But once it was created both economic and social destruction can be viewed. But till now China was in its limits, when these actions of mutual distrust are considered. In number of contexts China’s actions working as a participant in international organisations, treaties displayed it as not harmful to US and even to rest of the world. But these actions of China as a part of reaction which seeks upper and over the competitor like India and Russia. The alliances that China made provided that country a free hand in international transactions and a power to bargain. As all these relations and agreements the country is not holding any future responsibility to pursue the peace path. Till now China is acting on the policies of defensive realism and behaving as defensive realist state. The political, social, economic and security policies followed by China was enabling that country to create defensive circumference around it. Even the political rhetoric towards regional countries is a part of it as it was developing ties old foe like India by opening the borders in some for areas for trade (though the process was going on slowly). As long as China pursues the path of defensive realism it does not pose threat to international community and its foreign policy will be again successful under the leaders of next generation to Deng. But when it turns to offensive like the advent of US and allied forces in Middle East it is really a threat to international community as the roots of that country were not in democracy. But the international scenario do not compel us to see that type of future picture regarding China’s policies interests. In a period of economic strategies, economic agreements and economic policies influencing the foreign policies of any country any country which thinks rational like China tend to be a defensive realistic state. References: The references were given in the following format: Name of the Author, year of publishing, title of the Journal, article, Book, Publisher or sponsor of website, edition information if available, type of media, date retrieved, name of website. 1. David M. Lampton, 2001, Same Bed, Different Dreams: Managing U.S.- China Relations, 1989-2000 , The regents of University of California, ,electronic, 5-09-06, http://www.amazon.com/gp/reader/0520215907/ref=sib_dp_pt/002-7981804-8441661#reader-link 2. David M. Lampton, 2001, A New President and an Old Problem: China Policy, The University of California Press, , electronic, 5-09-06, http://www.ucpress.edu/books/pages/9214/9214.essay.html 3. Gerald Segal, 1999, Does China Matter, Council on Foreign relations, ,electronic, 5-09-06, http://www.foreignaffairs.org/19990901faessay1004/gerald-segal/does-china-matter.html 4. Donald Tang, 2006, CHINA’S RISE: AN HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE, asia Society, ,Electronic, 5-09-06, http://www.asiasociety.org/speeches/06spence.html 5. Jeffrey Dr. Record , 2001, Thinking about China and War, Look Smart Find articles, ,electronic, 5-09-06, http://www.findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m0ICK/is_4_15/ai_82777340 6. David M. Lampton, 2001, Chinas Foreign and National Security Policy-Making process: Is It Changing, and Does It Matter? , Stanford CA, ,electronic, 5-09-06, http://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=100524235 7. Dickson, Bruce; Chien-min, Chao, 2006, Remaking the Chinese State: Strategies, Society, and Security, I edition, electronic, http://www.ebooks.com/ebooks/preview.asp?IID=180640&Page=0 8. Mark W. Frazier, 2000, China-India Relations since Pokhran II: Assessing Sources of Conflict and Cooperation, Access Asia Review, Vol 3. no.2, electronic, 5-09-06, http://www.strategicasia.nbr.org/publications/aa_review/pdf/aa_vol3no2.pdf#search=%22David%20Bachman%20%22Domestic%20Sources%20of%20Chinese%20Foreign%20Policy%22 9. Eric Nathaniel Heller, 2003, Power Projections of the People’s Republic of China: An Investigative Analysis of Defensive and Offensive Realism in Chinese Foreign Policy, ACDIS Occasional Paper, ,electronic, 5-09-06, http://www.acdis.uiuc.edu/Research/OPs/Heller/HellerOP.pdf#search=%22Allen%20S.%20Whiting%20%22The%20Future%20of%20Chinese%20Foreign%20Policy%22 10.Chong Ja Lan, 2004, Testing alternative responses to power preponderance, Institute of defence and strategic studies, ,electronic, 5-09-06, http://www.ntu.edu.sg/IDSS/publications/WorkingPapers/WP60.PDF#search=%22Allen%20S.%20Whiting%20%22The%20Future%20of%20Chinese%20Foreign%20Policy%22 11.S.R.Landsberger, 2006, Deng Xiaoping Theory, let.leidenuniv.nl, ,electronic, 9-09-06, http://iisg.nl/~landsberger/dxpt.html 12. Liu Huaqiu, 2006, Liu Huaqiu on Chinas Foreign Policy, Embassy of People’s republic of China in United States of America, ,electronic, 9-09-06, http://www.china-embassy.org/eng/zmgx/zgwjzc/t35078.htm 13.Report on Deng, 2006, Deng Xiao Ping, People’s Daily Online, ,electronic, 9-09-06, http://english.people.com.cn/data/people/dengxiaoping.shtml 14. Editorial Boardof World’s Socialist Website, 1997, Deng Xiao Ping and the fate of Chinese Revolution, ,electronic, 9-09-06, http://www.wsws.org/history/1997/mar1997/dengx.shtml 15. TRANSCRIPT, 1997, Deng’s Legacy, Online News Hour, ,electronic,9-09-06, http://www.pbs.org/newshour/bb/asia/february97/deng_2-25.html Read More