Analysis of Studies about the Rise of China Power and Decline of U.S. Power - Assignment Example

Insert Introduction The place of competition among s in international relations cannot be repudiated. As s or geopolitical entities continue to relate, state interests and goals are greatly kept in focus. Although states readily convey their multilateral relations as cordial, the cutthroat competition that characterizes their inter-state relations which can be either cordial or hostile is seldom communicated to the hoi polloi. The case is true when it comes to political and socioeconomic competition that characterizes the Sino-American relations. That the world catches flu when America sneezes, is a matter that still cannot be gainsaid. Nevertheless, with the continued aggression which other countries such as China and Russia exhibit and the gains that they are registering from their commitments, political scientists and economists are postulating that America ceding power as the world leader is a matter of certainty. Being astute debaters and scholars, political scientists Joseph S. Nye and Martin Jacques are categorical that not only is America gradually waning in strength, but they also wax poignant that China is the country that is taking over the custody of world power. Both Joseph S. Nye and Martin Jacques discuss questions over the rise of China (power) and US decline (power) in The Future of Power (2011) and When China Rules the World: the Rise of the Middle Kingdom and the End of the Western World (2012) respectively. They cite a number of developments and controversies that are unfolding concerning this covert, yet not so readily perceptible development and competition in world trade, politics and diplomacy, as shall be seen forthwith. The controversies that Joseph S. Nye and Martin Jacques cite on these issues One can take the words of Joseph S. Nye Jr. very seriously on several accounts. For one, Nye served as the chairman of the National Intelligence Council during Bill Clinton’s regime and still serves as Harvard professor of political science and international relations. Martin Jacques on the other hand is a former editor for British magazine and academician. Jacques studied at Manchester University and got his PhD from King’s College, which is in Cambridge. Jacques has served as a senior editor, for many magazines such as The Independent, The Times, The Sunday Times, Marxism Today, The New Statesman, and The Guardian, being responsible mainly for political articles. He is currently a visiting professor with many universities such as the London School of Economics, Renmin University and the National University of Singapore. Joseph Nye says that unlike the era of John F. Kenned and Nikita Khrushchev when power was expressed through the use of industrial might, nuclear missiles, military tanks and the number of infantry, 2010 is very different, since industrial might is neither unique to certain states, nor are the conventions of warfare the same. For instance, cyber threats are being wielded by non-state actors at the moment. Nye divulges that not only has power shifted on its point of focus, but that it has also changed its meaning. Initially, power was being deemed and defined by hegemonic countries such as the US, as the ability to affect others, so as to obtain the objectives that one wants. However, presently, power is no longer static and is underpinned by radical shifts, new technologies, innovations and interstate relationships (75). Initially, Nye had advocated for the use of soft power as a means of perpetuating state interests and goals in international relations. China (under Hu Jintao in the 2008 Beijing Olympics) and Russia being some of the countries that bought the idea of using soft power, necessitate the need for the US to change its modus operandi, if it is to counter the threat a fast growing China. The Obama Administration indeed serves as an epitome of penchant for smart power. It is important to note that Nye argues that the decline in America’s might stems from the effectiveness of the tools that America has traditionally been using. In this effect, Nye calls for the restructuring of markets, instead of using aids and imposing sanctions. Nye points out that America is better off promoting policies that are friendly to economic and supplies diversification and open market structures instead of using ownership to lock up supplies (80). While acknowledging the decline in America’s power, Nye contends that the situation is not so favorable for China either. He contends that China’s problem is that of legitimacy. Because of the failure to embrace democracy, its political system is unstable, and its economic life is replete with the yawning gap between the rich and the poor. Coupled with mediocre performance of monopolies and parastatals, these undercurrents have led to massive and continuous spates of immigration from China. While referring to the extrajudicial incarceration of the Nobel Prize winner, Xiaobo Liu, Nye charges that what is done locally can either cause extensive damage or reinforce a country’s goals, internationally (54). On the other hand, Jacques sees the hegemony of the western world and the US as a development that is coming to an end, while China will continue to prosper. As a matter of fact, Jacques contends that other countries that exist within China’s orbit are likely to be pulled into China’s system, while rescinding the economic and political patterns of the West (50). Jacques points out that one of the controversies or factors that characterizes the unequal developments between the US and China is unequal rates of consumption. While America is given to the culture of consumerism, China is not (59). In a separate vein, Jacques points out that another factor that contributes to the unequal growth rates between the two countries is the production and industrial behavior between the two countries. Countries in the East Asia, particularly China are both more innovative and quick in production, compared to the US and the West. While the fashion industry in the West for instance is contented to turn two annual collections, Chinese designers and industrialists strive to churn newer designs and clothes, throughout the year (95). Compared to America’s ambivalence towards cultural values, national identity and patriotism, China enjoys an in-depth sense of national and cultural identity. This oneness in national identity is derived from its rich and long history. The lack of attitudinal seriousness among Americans is conversely underscored by the cultural variegation which is braggingly referred to as a cultural melting pot. That China is made of a common nation that derives its values such as diligence, decorum, character and discipline from the oriental culture is exemplified by China’s faithfulness to the Oriental culture. This oriental culture directly has contributed to China’s political and social hallmarks such as civilization-state, the Chinese idea of racial supremacy, the belief in contested modernity and the Chinese tributary system (75). Jacques also maintains that China’s thrust into world economics and politics towards dominance is bolstered by its contributions in world politics. He controversially says that the Chinese helped induce pressure on the Sudanese to accept international peacekeeping to take place in Darfur. Joseph S. Nye and Martin Jacques’ own conclusions on the issues Nevertheless, Nye Jr. is categorical that America’s weakening is not a matter that is already under the bridge and that America can still remain the number one world power, if it makes the right choice and follows his advice. Nye postulates that America should resort to using its smart power, when pursuing its foreign policy and interests. This smart power is an amalgamation of both soft power of attraction and persuasion (winning more houseflies with honey, instead of vinegar) and the hard power of coercion. He compliments this standpoint by referring it to what Machiavelli would describe as best loved and feared (37). Nye defends his postulation by saying that the need to change tact by America is bound by the shift of power which has taken place in the 21st century world politics. He points out at increasingly sprawling multinationals, armies and nations, increase in the number of very influential nongovernmental organizations and the catastrophes of terrorist attacks and networks as forces and clear vestiges of the multidimensional, more diffuse and complicated mien that international political and economic power has taken. Likewise, the Internet has made interpersonal exchange more instantaneous. The importance of the Internet is underscored by the many anti-government protests it has mobilized, as is aptly seen in recent developments in the Arab world. To Nye, America must act according to the knowledge it has that power no longer emanates from the barrel of a gun, but from social online networks such and Twitter and Facebook (116). In regard to the development immediately above, Nye maintains that American leaders must start seeing themselves as being in a circle, in lieu of being atop a mountain. He continues that America should desist from extending its political hegemony over others, given that the 21st century is about having power with others, and not having power over others. America must therefore consider brooking coalitions and solving problems that hamper collective action. He says that this recommendation is expedient since in the 21st century, neither is the world multi-polar and unipolar, nor is it chaotic. He asserts that the world has become all the three at a given instance (81). Nye maintains that the need to use smart power is also underscored by the fact that other states outside America still possess the larger bulk of resources, and thereby giving them a bargaining power. America can therefore not afford to play abrasive politics with other nations. Conversely, the competitive and aggressive predisposition that these nations or states have continually displayed in international relations must compel the US to use its coercive force. At this juncture, America must use its innovative, open democratic culture, and the military and intelligence strength it has, to smartly cobble up meaningful and advantageous international orders and lasting alliances (72). Concerning China, Jacques points out that there must be socioeconomic and political reforms in order to tackle the social disparity and widespread consumption therein. This may involve China setting up a welfare system. In the same wavelength, China must stop pegging its growth on exports only, and to start improving its capital efficiency and productivity. In the event that this proposition is not followed through, China will start depleting the world’s resources. He also charges that China must allow reforms that will enhance universal suffrage since there is no country in the world (with the exception of India) that has developed without due respect to the right to vote (90). The empirical evidence that Joseph S. Nye and Martin Jacques marshal to support their conclusions There are certain elements that Nye uses to marshal support for his conclusions. For instance, he refers to statistics to substantiate his claims. To underscore the veracity of there being interstate competition in the Sino-American relations, Nye points out that 61% of the American population views China as a very formidable threat to US jobs, economic longevity and interests and liberty. In another instance, Nye cites well-known facts to underscore the idea that America still remains and will continue to maintain the position of the pre-eminent power throughout the first half of the 21st century. To bolster this claim, Nye points out the three faces that characterize relational power, as being under the control of the US. These three faces are: the power to control the agenda and actions in ways that constrain other players’ choices of strategies (the power to control agendas); the power to use rewards and threats to change or modify behavior (the power to command change); and the power to shape, change or modify basic perceptions, preferences and beliefs (also called establishing preferences). Nye points out that these surely underscore the power of the United States to control international agenda, global preferences and to effect desired change in global politics (84). Jacques also uses statistics to validate his claim about the US consuming more than China. He maintains that the Chinese do not consume since the Republic of China only accounts for 16% of the country’s healthcare expenses at one end. At the other end, the federal government of the US accounts for 44%, and Western Europe, 70%. This shows not only that China has made a dereliction on a system that had been previously set by Mao Tse Dong, where healthcare expenditure was predicated on the government’s allocation, but the same also underscores Jacques’ assertions that China is supposedly consuming less, because almost all expenditures have been left on the masses’ shoulders. Reflection The dominant motif of China overtaking the US is something that is no longer an esoteric knowledge, as it is already in the open. Thus, the idea that Nye and Jacques advance about the US ceding its position as world leader cannot be successfully discounted. Particularly, all the assertions that Nye makes to strengthen this dominant theme are readily tenable. Nevertheless, some claims that Jacques makes are unsellable. For instance, Jacques makes mention of American industries being comfortable with annual innovations and designs, as opposed to China which makes several innovations annually, Inditex (the owner of Zara) and H&M which are known to have pioneered fast fashion and to modify their designs weekly. Likewise, there are many designer companies in Tokyo that make new innovations annually. Inditex and H&M are US companies that have subsidiaries in Europe. Even the assertion that China is active in diplomacy and pressured Khartoum to allow peacekeeping to take place in Darfur cannot be left to go unaddressed. That China has been Khartoum’s biggest supplier of arms undermines the validity of Jacques’ claims. It is these arms that Sudan used to commit genocide and crimes against humanity against its dark-skinned population. Even the claim that there is no proliferation of firearms in China and in East Asia in general, does not wash. In 2009 alone, China itself announced factoring a 15% increase in its military budget. As touching the East Asia, South Korea is strengthening its navies, Australia is looking out for newer and more warships, while North Korea is firing off missiles and testing its newly acquired nuclear weapons. Japan is also testing nuclear weapons and missiles. Although Jacques’ claim that China is overtaking America in the next coming decades is irrefutable, yet his premises which he uses to advance this claim are unacceptably lopsided and debatable. Conclusion It is interesting to note that to these two scholars, Jacques and Nye, the prospects of China overtaking the US is sure. To Jacques, it is so much so that he has divulged that not only is such a development bound to change the course of world politics and economy, but that the same also is poised to bring a profound influence on socio-cultural attitudes towards family, sexuality and work. Above all, the most serious concern about this development will be the fate and future of politics. With the chapter of America’s global leadership being closed and another one on China’s dominance being opened, the future of democracy, human liberty, freedoms and rights may be dealt a coup de grace, never to be realized as a whole or in piece. Works Cited Jacques, Martin. When China rules the World: The End of the Western World and the Birth of a New Global Order. Penguin Press, 2012. Nye, S. Joseph. The Future of Power. Public Affairs, 2011. Read More