Comprehension of Qatars Political Dynamics - Case Study Example

 Arab Gulf monarchies stability has been outstanding despite the high level of internal unsteadiness and regional conflict in the Middle East. Survival and success of states within Middle East has been attributed to their ability to prevent conflicts. Qatar being one of the monarchies is a small country located on the edge of the Persian Gulf with a population of approximately 1.7 million. Immigrants form the largest percent of the inhabitants. The country has experienced tremendous political, social, and economic progress ever since Shiekh Hamed bin Khalifa II ousted his father from power in a coup (Rahman 2006, 41). Revamping of the region into a number one country in terms of Gross Domestic product has been ascribed to the oil revenue. Researchers have faced controversies on how they can typify such a small region based on international relations literature and traditional comparative politics. Similarly, Qatar has been identified as a region that is stable due to absence of immediate threats to its political stability and security. Nonetheless, stability is hardly perfect in Qatar. This is exemplified by competition over political powers and internal conflicts in the Al-Thani, the royal family. Forced abdication within the governing families has been identified as the cause of Qatar past leadership transitions of 1949, 1960, and 1995. However, this ruling family has upheld social peace in Qatar for many decades. Several studiers have identified that Qatar has a baffling political stability. Qatar’s branded image has been generated by its diplomatic successes. These include its notable role in hosting major internal events and involvement into peacekeeping programs. As a result, the country has experienced impressive achievements in the economic sector. Economic achievements in this Persian Gulf small peninsula have been contributed by a breathtaking modernization rate of the economic sector. In regards to a survey of the 2008 Qatar per capita income, the annual per capita income was estimated at $ 95, 000 at the current prices. This is ascribed to the abundance of gas and oil in the region. On the other hand, an outdated political system has been another contributing factor. The autocratic state of Qatar has been contributed by consolidation of Shiekh Hamad position within Qatar and the royal family. Silencing of political liberation talks exemplifies this assertion. Comprehension of Qatar’s political dynamics is centered on the religious and tribal structures. This is based on the strong and weak dilemma state in the Gulf region. The distinction between the western model and Qatar’s traditional regimes are better understood through analysis and discussion of Qatar weakness and strength (Rahman 2006, 51). The stunning decision on December 2 2010 to let Qatar host the 2022 FIFA world cup has shown the country’s global ambition despite it being a small state. Unlike the preconceived notion of Qatar as a boring place on earth, the region has experienced a sophisticated transformation into an urban metropolis within the last decade. This is exemplified by the coexistence of world –class hubs and museums of cutting-edge development and research alongside skyline worthy of Manhattan and futuristic architecture. As an uprising power within the Arab countries and Middle East, Qatar hosts six leading United States’ university campuses. Similarly, the top French HEC Paris business school and university College London have been established in the country. Through Doha debates, Qatar has gained worldwide recognition due to its critical exposition of controversial regional issues (Rathmel and Schulze 2000, 54). Moreover, Qatar sponsorship programs established between Barcelona football club and Qatar Foundation and hosting of world’s major sporting activities such as the Women’s Tennis Association season finals championships have escalated the country’s position in the international limelight. It is therefore inherent that Qatar’s bidding slogan for 2022 world cup “Expect Amazing” was escalated by this activities hence its potent form branding (Zahlan 1979, 43). The country’s world attention was catapulted by usurpation of previous achievements by the successful bids in areas such as Dubai and Abu Dhabi where competition was mega maniacal and intense. Qatar has received recognition in the Middle East and Arab countries due to its developing reputation in holding diplomatic mediations in conflict-afflicted areas. A major success was realized in 2008 when a political solution was achieved in regards to the Doha agreement to avert civil strife threats in Lebanon. Other achievements in accordance to Qatari’s diplomacy are notable in regions such as Yemen where a short-lived negation was staged to stop fights between the government forces and Houthi rebels in 2007-2008. Also, Qatar has been involved in settlement of border disputes between Eritrea and Djibouti. Moreover, mediation talks in Darfur between Sudanese government and rebels were hosted by Qatar implying its contribution in development among the Arab countries. Therefore, Qatar has consistently established its reputation as an honest broker in mediation activities (Ibn Khaldun 1969, 46). Exploitation and exportation of oil and liquefied gasses has underpinned Qatar’s rise in power. Though Qatar shares with Iran the world largest non-associated gas field, it commenced exploitation of its North Field in the 1990s while for Liquefied Natural Gases, it started in 1997. It is noted that ascend to the status of the world leading exporter of natural gas was realized in 2006. Trading allies of Qatar comprise of emerging economies and industrialized countries such as United States, United Kingdom, South Korea, China, and Japan (Luciani and Beblawi 1987, 103). The long-term agreement between these states and Qatar establishes interdependency web that permit these countries to a direct share into the stable Qatar. Similar experiences are exemplified by hosting of generously funded bases and US central Command that serves as logistic basing, command, and hubs centres and pre-positioning amenities for US activities in Iraq and Afghanistan. Researches have revealed Qatar contribution in the main Al-Udaid airbase upkeep costs, which are estimated at 60%. It is perceived as opportunity costs for retaining US troops as the ultimate guarantor of Qatari security. Qatar’s leadership has been provided with a great leeway in formulating foreign and domestic policy as a result of the fortuitous combination of a tiny citizen population and the immense natural resources. Researches have shown that Qatari citizenship is held by about 220, 000 people. According to the Economist Intelligence Unit, it is estimated that the Gross Domestic Product per capita per Qatar citizen was about $ 448, 246 (Gause 1994, 158). The extreme wealth posed by individuals in Qatar provides insulation from the economic and social discontent that emerged in most of the Arab nations and the Middle East. Distribution of wealth is controlled by the states. This assertion is based on different forms such as provision of goods and services, grants of land, or through public sector employment. Nevertheless, this is not typical for other Middle East countries and Arab States. Revenues in Qatar are seemingly limitless unlike to the tensions that have characterized Bahrain, parts of Saudi Arabia, and Oman. These regions have fraying wealth distribution due to the strain of the ever increasing population growth (Sadiki 1997, 138). Democratic participation stifling aspirations and political apathy have emerged as a result of extreme wealth distribution. Top-down reforms process was instigated by the Emir, Hamad bin Khalifa after seizing power in a bloodless 1995 coup from his father. These reformations included the 1999 introduction of Central Municipal Council and legislation of anew constitution in 2003. Similarly, political changes are notable in Qatar’s announcement of a unicameral parliament though it was delayed. It is worth noting that Qatar’s reforms were embraced with no significant internal calls or pressure for change. This was in stack contrast with Bahrain’s reformation because the rulers tried to impose his trudge on domestic affairs by introducing legislative and constitutional changes in the late 1990s. Based on a research conducted by a Dubai-based public relations company, political stability and safe living neighborhood were ranked as the most important sectors in Qatar (Beblawi 1990, 173). Similarly, the report showed a drop in the importance of democracy from 68 to 33 percent in the years 2008 and 2010 respectively. This remarkable drop was ascribed to premium that Qatar placed on a strong economy that was intermixed with a sense of national pride in regards to the success of the 2022 world cup bid. Therefore, it purported that more loss may be expected among the Qatar citizens and the status quo of the country may suffer some disruption. Consequently, Qatar expatriates labours are expected to remain disempowered and unable to mobilize without sanction. Influence Qatar political and economic changes on other Arab States and Middle East countries is notable in the reaction of its officials to the Arab spring with expression of material and declaratory support for opposing movements that are unlikely to rebound domestically. Therefore, Qatar has been recognized as a responsible international actor hence boosting of its reputation for mediation and diplomacy. This is analogical to the Al Jazeera English coverage of the uprisings in Libya and Egypt. However, Arab-language coverage has shifted from the comprehensive strafes in Yemen, Libya, and Egypt to the less political instabilities experienced in Bahrain and Syria. As a result, accusations of inconsistencies and unevenness among Arab countries have been prompted that provides succor to skeptics (Gause 1994, 142). Yemen and Libya present some of the regions in which greatest freedom of action is exerted by the Qatari officials since the opposition of leaders such as Saleh and Gaddafi does not raise questions on regime type. Qatar’s support for protection of human expressions and democratic expressions found a better and safe point to state its stand against tyranny based on the flailing regimes bloodshed. Thus, Qatar has established a resonating support on protection of human rights and democratic expressions just like the internal community that is headed by the western nations. Examples of Political participation of in other countries include GCC efforts in Yemen that were spearheaded by the Prime minister, Sheikh Hamad. Despite the objectives of the GCC of establishing a peaceful transition of power in Yemen to an interim council, Qatar prime minister is noted to call for Saleh’s resignation. Though the efforts failed, Qatar has been acknowledged for its contribution in removing an authoritarian leader in an Arab State (Kamrava 2009, 406). Qatar’s political economy of rentierism has contributed to undermining of democratization prospects and strengthening of authoritarianism. Two causal mechanisms have been acclaimed to provide conventional explanations for relationships between oil and authoritarianism. These include the repression and co-option factors. The ruling families have consolidated political positions and powers due to the consolidation of wealth in the hands of the state. Large government apparatuses such as the military and civil areas that characterize Gulf Arab monarchies have been linked to the presence of vast of resources at their disposal. Therefore, the society is controlled by the state due to its expanded nature and the interfamily bargaining is based on the acquisition of state offices. It is claimed that political consensus are bought by governments based on the revenues gained from oil exploitation. Qatar has maintained its autocratic nature due to its reliance on patronage and clientalism thus the ability to overthrow the current political system becomes difficult (Kamrava 2009, 412). In conclusion, Qatar has had major contributions to the political and economic nature of Middle East due to the US protection it has gained and being a host of major American military presence in the gulf region. The countries budgetary allocations contribute to a third of its expenditure. Contribution of Qatar in Arab states is attributed to its ranking as a leading exporter of Liquefied natural gases and oil. Politically, Qatar has helped in resolving of political instabilities in regions such as Yemen, Libya, Sudan, Djibouti, Eritrea, and Bahrain. Therefore, Qatar is faced with a challenge to balance between regional stability and internal stability without being constantly threatened by the rampant conflicts in Middle East. Bibliography Beblawi, Hazem, 1990, The Rentier State in the Arab World, The Arab State, London: Routledge. Gause III, George, 1994, Oil Monarchies: Domestic and Security Challenges in the Arab Gulf States, New York: Council on Foreign Relations Books. Ibn Khaldun, 1969. The Muqaddimah: An Introduction to History, Princeton: Princeton University Press. Kamrava, Mehran, 2009, Royal Factionalism and Political Liberalization in Qatar, The Middle East Journal, 63(3), 401-420. Luciani, Giacomo and Beblawi Hazem, 1987, The Rentier State, London : Croom Helm. Rahman, 2006, The emergence of Qatar, London: Routledge. Sadiki, Lardi, 1997, Towards Arab Liberal Governance: From the Democracy of Bread to the Democracy of Vote, Third World Quarterly, 48(1), 127-148. Salame, Gnot, 1990, ‘Strong’ and ‘Weak’ States: A Qualified Return to the Muqaddimah: The Arab State, London: Routledge. Schulze, Kirsten and Rathmel, Andrew, 2000, Political Reform in the Gulf: The Case of Qatar, Middle Eastern Studies, 36(4), 47-62. Zahlan, Rosemarie, 1979, The Creation of Qatar, London: Croom Helm. Read More