The Collapse of Modern Australia Politics - Research Paper Example

Running Head: AUSTRALIA POLITICS Australia Politics of Australia Politics Introduction This research argued that the A succinct statement of the particular political issue in Australia Politics. At this moment let's take a quick look upon the collapse of Modern Australia was marked by an rising mood of doubt and anxiety amongst lots of Australians. The survival of this doubt has been confirmed by the qualitative research of Hugh Mackay, who explain the present period as an 'Age of Redefinition'. Moreover, Mackay has argued that there are important political implications stemming from this anxiety and uncertainty. As a response to a process through which 'politics' itself is being redefined, cynicism has greater than before and the proportion of casual or swinging voters has augmented from around 5 per cent before 1972 to about 30 per cent in the premature 1990s (During, S. 2002, pp. 339-53). In other words, traditional allegiances and processes of political identification have been dissolving since the mid 1970s. The 'Australian Settlement' can be sight as embodying a political settlement, as well as financial and educational settlements. This political settlement took the form of the two-party system that came into being subsequent the fusion among the Free Traders and the Protectionists to generate a solitary liberal party in 1909. The fusion brought into being a simple Labor-non-Labor separation in Australian politics a split that was to characterise the nature of politics for the whole of the era of Modern Australia. Moreover, it was the 'Australian Settlement', which defined what politics was to be about in Modern Australia. As Ian Marsh has put it, the 'two party arrangement crystallised this pattern of politics and restricted the scope of government to the idea of Australia which was tacitly decided in the 1909 settlement'. It is worth recalling that at the time of the creation of the two-party system Australia possessed only limited cultural diversity. Most of the Australian population, except for a small elite, was educated to a primary level, which is not surprising given that the majority of them were employed in manual or semi-skilled occupations. The employment opportunities for women were equally restricted (Robert Murray, pp. 23). The politics created and definite by the two-party system reproduce the realities of Australian life, and the division among labour and capital was at the centre of that realism. It was likely for both parties to follow a national attention, as defined by the 'Australian Settlement', even as they differ over the precise form of that national interest (Fowler, H. and Wainwright, M. 2001, pp 337-339). Aim Our aim has been to show how literacy debates are fundamentally a contest of social visions and ideologies. The documentary history is about how community debates over literacy and teaching have been used to endorse dissimilar versions of suitable behaviour, and dissimilar visions of the ideal literate student and inhabitant. It effort For a succinct Australian account of this compass reading to past work, see Tyler and Johnson (1991). to explain the varied and rival images of the literate and uneducated, and of the causes and penalty of literacy and illiteracy, and offer an account of how and why literacy' came to matter in Australian educational and political Life. We will now talk about some of the insinuation and findings from the research, and propose how it continues to notify our labor on literacy formations and instructive politics. Scope No doubt, Australia's place in global trade turn out to be more shaky in the last quarter of the twentieth century. By the 1980s Australia was considerably less spirited in world terms, not capable to sell abroad goods and services in the quantities and at the prices wanted to sustain customary prosperity. Australia's exports grow year by year but not as fast or as gainfully as those of many additional countries, and its share of earth trade fell between 1953 and 1989 from 2. 6 per cent to 1. 3 per cent. A succinct statement of the particular political issue in Australia Politics One of the important individuality of politics in Australia for concerning a decade subsequent to the end of World War II was the vinegary conflict inside the labour group. This conclude in a series of public argument in the Australian Labor Party (ALP) subsequent to the 1954 closure of the Industrial Groups, the formally authorized units which had fought collectivism in the unions. This series of argument "the Split" is usually held to have added to the ALP's electoral breakdown at the federal level throughout and beyond the Cold War. This stress on electoral and party insinuation has detracted from much analysis of the impact of the come apart on unions themselves (Hodgens, J. 2004, pp. 13-24). Synopisis A broader appraisal of the phase is found in Australia's First Cold War, which make available seventeen essays in two volumes, current a wide-ranging context for buy and sell union conflicts, albeit without explanation them. Simply two accounts focus on manufacturing relations. Industrial Relations A blend of historical analysis with industrial relations, aspects of international relations and economic history creates the possibility of integrating different approaches. Each discipline highlights a particular causal process the role of the industrial relations system in post-war decline. To address this argument, which frequently originates beyond the industrial relations literature, it is necessary to expose and take on some of the crass generalizations within other literature sets. For example, Fordism was 'flawed' in the Australia by trade unions and collective bargaining, where resistance 'flawed' attempts by capital and the state to improve the potential of the UK manufacturing sector. More crucially than this, as an institution, workplace multi-unionism and associated restrictive practices in the early post-war period were directly responsible for low investment and low productivity in Australia manufacturing until the emergence of Thatcherism reversed this tendency. Further, post-war governments made no attempt to restructure the Australian economy because they were afraid of trade union struggle, etc. In my opinion social justice is a reflection of the community. As communities become more educated regarding social responsibilities, activities will promote that change. Community action is represented with how justice is being redefined with young people through conferencing and negotiating which looks at the real consequences of crime rather then punishment, deterrence or rehabilitation. This has been proven successful in New Zealand with the Maori community, and has initiated a variety of Australia youth programs that are supported by both community and government bodies. My belief of advocating societies that reflect justice is not limited to the shores of Australia. I support international justice programs that improve equality in the conditions of life for all and the structures of international treaties established in order to promote "guidelines" for human rights. But in my opinion there is a fundamental flaw with the implementation of these treaties that relies on "good will" action to fulfil the obligations. The Governing body of these treaties, the United Nations (UN) has no role in enforcing the protection and improvement of human rights internationally and it this lack of enforcement that in my opinion is the height of moral indignation. This was highlighted by the criticism of Australia from a UN report regarding Australia's record on Aboriginal issues. Due to this criticism Prime Minister Howard refused to ratify a Protocol that Australia was instrumental in drafting. In my opinion this type of behaviour holds the UN to ransom and does not allow them fulfil the assumed role monitor to address human right inequities. In my view, this irresponsible behaviour displayed by Australia highlights the inefficiencies of the UN and should prompt changes that redress this inadequacy. Examples of changes I would enact are if a country supports the UN in the way of treaty signatory then they should be not only morally bound but also with penalties for breach of treaty. Conclusion or Recommended position of the Opposition If we sketch together this psychoanalysis of ideology in the FCU and the relations among politics and strategies, we can see that there were significant dissimilarity among the rival factions. The continuing factionalism which would lead to the Split surely seems to have unfocused all sides from instant issues, but the Union was also affected by these years in far more deep ways. The struggle against Communism marked much that the Groupers did. The logic of anti-communism led them into the wasteland of compulsory unionism. To their dismay, employers, the press and conservative politicians did not see compulsory unionism as first and foremost a tool against Communism. The Groupers saw this in terms of the internal politics of the labour movement and, through that, to the security of the nation. It was the conservatives who saw it in something like class terms and who blanched at the thought of this massive growth in trade union membership. If anti-Communism was the guiding principle, what did this mean for the nature of the FCU One answer is at first sight paradoxical: this principle could not live with the sincerely held view that the Communists had politicised the Union and that this should be undone. But this did not happen. Not only would the FCUs "numbers" be mobilised in the labour movement but they would be used in large pan to advance the vision of the Movement in and beyond industrial relations. The FCU was no less "political" under the Groupers than under the Communists. Apart from the completely dissimilar content of those politics there was, though, another difference: the Communist view of unions start with an open political formulation which drove their unionism, while the logic of the Groupers' attitude in the exact context of the 1950s compulsory them to articulate "political" unionism. The struggle in the FCU, although central to the ALP Split, was about far more than that Split. It needs to be seen as part of, and in the context of, the older conflict between communists and their opponents. In tam, the FCUs internal crisis was about how the new order, the post-war world, would be negotiated in terms of industrial relations, politics and even family and gender relations. In this the activists in the FCU were both subjects and objects of history; they were vying to shape their Union and to some extent their lives as workers and citizens according to their own deeply held principles. None were simpleminded dupes of either the Kremlin or the Vatican as the briefest reading of the arguments in the Union will show. The impact of the Cold War and growing prosperity is often seen as fatal for the hopes of the post-war militants but this context also meant that for the victors there were unintended outcomes of their beliefs and actions. The history of the FCU in the 1950s has a certain logical unity to it after the Groupers won control in 1952. Anti-communism led to a distrust of militancy, equal pay campaigns and alliances with some other unions. The Groupers took the Union back into the mainstream of the labour movement but at the same time drew the Union back into itself: they centralised authority and maintained a not always justified faith in the state, be it through compulsory unionism or arbitration. The Communists in the FCU had used arbitration and preference strategies, seeing unionism as inherently political, as part of a wider class end. Under the Communists there had been an insistence on the primacy of politics but it was a politics which was sceptical about arbitration and which informed a belief in industrial action it did not constrain it. The rise of the Groupers saw a new politics which was directly linked, given the fear of communism, to new industrial and organisational strategies (D. Kenyon, pp. 96-106). References During, S. (2002). Postcolonialism and globalization. Meanjin, 51, 2 Winter. pp. 339-53. Robert Murray, The Split: Australian Labor in the Fifties (Melbourne: Cheshire, 2000, 2002), pp. 23 (power), 24 (wages). Fowler, H. and Wainwright, M. (2001). English - What Of It The Educational Magazine, 8, 8, September. pp 337-339. Hodgens, J. (2004). How adult literacy became a public issue in Australia. Open Letter, 4, 2. pp. 13-24. S. Alomes, M. Dober and D. Hellier, "The Social Context of Postwar Conservatism", in Curthoys and Merritt, eds, Australia's First Cold War Vol. 1, pp. 1-28. P. Johnson, "Gender, Class and Work: The Council of Action for Equal Pay and the Equal Pay Campaign in Australia During World War Two", Labour History 50 (May 2004), pp. 132-46. Walsh, The Federated Clerks Union of Australia, pp. 185-95; D. Kenyon, "A Constitutional Coup: The Case of the Federated Clerks Union", Politics 1, 2 (November 2006), pp. 96-106. Read More