The Nigerian Military in Its Fight against Militant Groups - Essay Example

The Nigerian Military in Its Fight against Militant Groups Abstract The paper “The Nigerian Military in Its Fight against Militant Groups” explicates the United States military intervention in Nigerian’s Niger Delta. Nigeria is one of those countries disturbed with recurring violence caused by conflict in its resource utilization. The region is rich with oil which was perceived in a disturbing dichotomy: a blessing or a curse for its national economy. As a blessing, the discovery of oil encourage entry of extractive industry and trade relations with United States of America which is unfortunately viewed by its local nationalist as a neoliberal approach of foreign control since it has allegedly enriched foreign economy while the domestic economy have exacerbated the scale of poverty within in the region. This is so amid political repercussion in Nigeria where its system is beleaguered with mismanagement, corruption, inefficiency, and rise of rebellion. As accounted rebel groups are now composed of Boko Haram , MEND and other group that have perceived western education as a negative influence and thus, they proposes the stoppage of the westernization of Nigerian education . To quell and mitigate the impact of rebellion, the United States forged partnership and collaboration with domestic military forces to engage them into immense military training. This partnership is done with AFRICOM, ACRI and other groups with the aim of neutralizing violent groups. Focus is however bent on neutralizing the violent group of Boko Haram. The implications of the assistance are delivered in a synchronized or systematic manner to contextualize it with the present situation and control potential implication to the future dynamics within Niger Delta (Mundi, 2012). Chapter I Introduction The region of Africa is economically challenged and is beset with political uncertainties albeit presence of resources that can be utilized to improve its economy. Nigeria is nestled western Africa and featured with Benin, Cameroon, Chad and Niger. The latter extends in 1,497 kilometers of plateaus, hills, and plains (Mundi, 2012). It has a climate that is both tropical and arid. Its land composition is challenged with soil degradation, deforestration, and massive pollution amid urbanization (Mundi, 2012). Aside from these ecological and social concerns, rebellion also disturbed the region as significant number of people are opposed to the reform agenda an d the incursion of liberalization in its economy. Its geography is rich of natural gas, petroleum, tin, ore, coal, limestone, niobium, zinc, and leader (Mundi, 2012). This qualifies the country for mineral extraction, utilization of petroleum, and maximization of its hydropower capacity (Mundi, 2012). In 1986, major economic reform policies were introduced by the government of Nigeria to contribute its domestic economy. Studies suggested that poverty declined in the first seven years of reforms, but debate raged about reforms effect. To contribute to the debate, this study investigated the inequality and poverty in Nigeria during the period 1985-1997, using data for the 1985/86, 1992/93 and 1996/97 national household income surveys conducted by the Federal Office of Statistics and correlate this to the reform agenda introduced by this government including the intervention made to improve its security management. The central objective was to examine how far poverty has been reduced by the policies introduced and the pattern of growth as a result of these policies. Anent thereto, issues pertaining to polarization in income distribution were also examined. The study will also examine about the US and Nigeria collaboration for security management and to control the damages done by insurgents to Niger’s economic activities specially the oil extraction industry. US interest over Nigeria’s oil is concentrated on Niger Delta area. The area of the Niger-delta consists of the major oil producing states, Abia, Akwa Ibom, Bayelsa, Cross River, Delta, Edo, Imo, Ondo and Rivers (Mogues et al, 2012:79). The resources of oil in Niger Delta have been reflected as a curse rather than a boon with its discovery in the year of 1956. Nigeria is the 13th largest oil producer, as well as the 6th largest in OPEC (Oviasuyi & Uwadiae, 2010:117). From the period of 1970 to 1999, oil generation reached a level of almost $231 billion for the Nigerian economy, ranging between 21 and 48 percent of GDP. The Nigerian economy is highly dominated by the oil resources with the average estimations of the oil production between the year 2000 and 2004 at around 79.5 percent of total government revenues and around 97 percent of foreign exchange revenues (Oviasuyi & Uwadiae, 2010:117). US Department of Energy’s Energy Information Administration (EIA) estimated in 2009 that Nigerian oil production averaged at 1.94 million barrels per day. The United States imported around a 990, 000 billion barrel per day which accounts to around 44 percent of the Nigeria’s oil exports which makes Nigeria as the fifth largest oil suppliers of United States (Collins, 2012:156). The oil exports of Nigeria is basically light, sweet crude and are enriched with low sulfur contents which made its transportation easy. It’s also leading to cheap infusion process into the gasoline as well as the other petroleum products (Sheffield, 2009:54). The Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) was founded in 1977 to manage the oil productions and its exports. The NNPC and its joint ventures as well as the shareholders account about 95 percent of Nigeria’s oil and natural gas projects (NNPCGROUP, 2012). Countries like United States, China and the Western European countries have initiated huge bids for the exploration of major oil blocks in the African countries and particularly in Nigeria. They also invested in the development of loading facilities and other infrastructure (Oviasuyi & Uwadiae, 2012: 1). Presently, US obtained around 22 and 24 percent of the total imports from Africa but subject to the periodic variations of production levels (Oviasuyi & Uwadiae, 2012: 1). Rebels repeated attacks on oil facilities in Niger Delta, however, caused high levels of fluctuations in oil production. This has been considered as security threat to the oil industry as US business tycoons reflected that African countries will be major supplier of oil to United States by 2015 (African Security Research Projects, 2009). In late 1990s, the policy makers of United States realized their possible reliance of oil from Nigeria and Africa thus, they saw the need to deploy American soldiers to protect its investments from alleged undemocratic and repressive African regimes and from rebels groups held as hindrances to American oil imports. In 1997, President Bill Clinton traditionalized the Africa Crisis Response Initiative (ACRI) which expanded U11S military activities in African continent. In 2004, ACRI was renamed the African Contingency Operations Training and Assistance (ACOTA) program. American military involvement in Africa escalated rapidly after the inauguration of President Bush in 2001, and has been continued by the Obama administration, with sufficient budgetary allocation in the fiscal year 2006 as ardent supplier of petroleum to United States. Americans began to consider that any “disruption of supply from Nigeria would represent a major blow to the oil security strategy of the U.S. (African Security Research Projects, 2009).” This justifies the efforts of US to provide sustained assistance to Nigeria to neutralize and de-escalate the conflicts in Nigeria. Such will also be highlighted in the analysis. 1.1 Research question The paper will seek to answer, “How does the United States assist the Nigerian military in its fight against militant and secessionist groups in the Niger Delta since 1999?” 1.2 Aims and Objectives The research is aimed at exploring the result or contribution of US military deployment at Nigeria to protect US vested interest on oil extraction; to provide military assistance and training to the Nigerian military; and, to engage themselves in countering or preventing the violent activities of rebel organizations within the Niger Delta region. This US-Nigeria military collaboration will be discussed in correlation socio-economic and political conditions of the area to generate empirical validity. 1.3 Research schema The dissertation is discussed in several parts which will highlight the US-Nigeria military collaboration aimed to improve the security management for the oil extraction industry but at the same time considerate too the implication s of this partnership in as much as offensive actions launched against dissidents will hurt the sensibilities of the civilian communities that will be affected in its enforcement. Secondary documents will be utilized to come up with scholarly findings. After clear understanding of the topic is generated from various literatures literature related to the subject at hand. 1.4. Methodology This is a qualitative study pertaining to the United States- Nigerian military collaboration and cooperation in Nigeria Delta to improve domestic security management in the face of challenges posed by rebel groups and social discontent that imperils the oil extractive industry in Niger Delta, a region known as major source of oil supply for United States. The researcher aims to conduct thorough investigation of this social phenomenon to draw conclusive evidences of the military interventions effectiveness or non- effectiveness in mitigating violence authored by rebels and local dissidents. Variables will be delved into to determine how these objectively affect the result of the interventions provided in the area with anent interest too of knowing the implications thereof. The paper infuses a rigorous research of books, journals and news articles—printed or online, to highlight the steps taken by the US military officials in de-escalating the conflict in the and demonstrate understanding of possible future dynamics of the domestic situation. The researcher can decide to use field experiments, surveys, case studies, forecasting, simulations, or laboratory experiments as sources of data for the research project. These processes provide raw data analyzed in line with the research question. However, these processes must remain within the research framework designed by the researcher Researcher will also identify a number of key informants for interviews which will be purposively chosen to ascertain that substantial information will be generated for further discussion (Dawson, 2002:15). Sourced information may also include document that contains figures or quantitative figures that can help elucidate the matter. This will include research earlier conducted that has reported significant analysis with the application of the graphical and tabular representation. Data will be stored in researcher’s databank for safety and will be completed within strict adherence to the universal ethical standard. Research validation will be undertaken with the assistance of the advisor of this study. The succeeding chapter will discuss about related literatures. . Chapter II Literature Review The discovery of oil precious natural resources in Nigeria is perceived as significant for the acceleration of national economy. Nowadays, Niger Delta produced massive crude oil and has been exported to the United States as significant part US-Nigeria economic cooperation. However, the development and extraction of oil for export is not generally supported by the populace of the country. A significant number of the population demonstrates strong distrust to its national government for allying with US in crude oil production. Opposition has been communicated in either legal, meta-legal and illegal means, which unfortunately, included staging attacks and costly destruction of pipelines and facilities to the detriment of oil industry operation. US-Nigeria Cooperation The US Diplomatic Mission to Nigeria (2012: 1) explicated that the cooperation aimed to facilitate US government and industrial interests within Nigerian and support the US foreign military sales program there which include technical education and defense equipment for Nigerian forces (USDMN, 2012: 1). Under their purview, this cooperation targeted at building US-Nigerian security assistance program to enhance Nigerian forces through education and with the use of technology “to promote interoperability and ensure stability within the country (USDMN, 2012: 1).” Igbikiowubo (2004) have cited how US has been keen on developing oil supply sources outside Middle East and hence offered Nigeria such military protection and to accordingly combat terrorist attacks on the oil industry for US to leverage by 25% of oil supply by 2015 (p. 1) . Military officials have conducted several meetings with Nigeria's Defence Minister and military chiefs to thresh out details about how to undertake joint military cooperation on security management in the region (p. 1). Recently, Akande and Obayuwana (2012) discussed about Nigerian and US meeting at Washington to deliberate the Nigeria-U.S. Bi-National Commission that would deal about how Nigeria will benefit Americans military assistance to put an end to terrorism (p. 1). The U.S. Africa Command (AFRICOM) and Pentagon will be part of the conference with Nigerian counterpart which included, among others, officials in-charged for trade and investments. However, the discussion will not only limit about determining military-based measures to quell rebellion and terrorist attacks but also profound discussion relating to “governance, transparency, and integrity; regional security cooperation; energy and investment; and agriculture and food security (Akande and Obayuwana, 2012: 1). “ US representatives also demanded the establishment of more consulates in anticipation for Nigerians to enjoy business opportunities from this bilateral relation and to protect business. Nigeria has 5 consulates including those that are established in Shanghai, Hong Kong, Johannesburg, Atlanta and has 98 missions abroad. The meeting accordingly included plans of ending trade imbalance between Nigeria and South Africa (Akande and Obayuwana, 2012: 1). Experts pointed that improved military is a critical element of national defence and stability although their institution is weaken by the internal contradictions brought by politics, economics, religion, ethnicity, corruption and other social ills have all combined (Ogah, 2012: 1). The U.S. government started to increase military involvement in the late 1990s by providing support to authoritative and repressive African regimes, like the government of Nigeria, and to other regimes who were willing to provide support to U.S. interests by using their military and security forces. In the mid-2009, the international community particularly the US took a great endeavor in breaking the Niger delta from violence. There were policies and decisions which were directed towards the ceasing of the hostilities which were basically shared by the government and the militants, the leaders of the military were withdrawn from the Niger delta creek so as to give peace a chance to reign. The government of Nigeria at that time lost billions and billions of dollars in the oil revenues because of the militia attacks. There was emergence of sympathies of the militancy which led to the fatigue as well as that of the increase in the conflicts. By 2009, majority of the militia leaders accepted an amnesty offered by the Federal government, which guaranteed fighters freedom from examination and a disarmament, disbandment, and reintegration (DDR) process with monthly income payments. The personal association of then president Umaru Musa Yar’adua offered the process an early boost, but political awareness to the amnesty declined off significantly and was dealt a further blow after illness took the president to Saudi Arabia for treatment. In the six-month political crisis caused by his absence, progress largely locked (African Security Research Projects, 2009). A presidential amnesty committee was represented, but it accomplished a little outside launching of the procedures to pay 20,192 registered former militants their monthly salaries of $430. In one of his first dialogues after taking office in May 2010 following Yar’adua’s death, President Goodluck Jonathan named the strife in the Niger Delta as one of his administration’s three top main concerns (African Security Research Projects, 2009). A new amnesty coordinator, Timi Alaibe, was pre-arranged and eventually set up a camp offering two weeks of militant “re-orientation training” conducted by a U.S. organization and a Nigerian partner nongovernmental organization (NGO) (African Security Research Projects, 2009). Claim of Alaibe stated that the “graduates” will be matched to suitable further study and jobs, but evidence of this was slight so far. Assaults on oil installations dropped close to zero after the 2009 amnesty was announced, and rather economic activities were normalized and resumed in the delta. The government still has not produced a credible work plan for the purpose of addressing various complex and all-inclusive issues of demobilization and development needed to achieve peace. The international community has come to the inference that it was highly difficult in the intersection into the amnesty process very rigorously. The amnesty process tried for the understanding of the amnesty in the evolution of the actors as well as that of the dynamics through the complicated briefs helping the international engagement of the delta which it left in the process of struggle (Newsom, 2012:2). Increasing Nigeria’s Military Capability Ogah (2012) sees the urgent necessity of improving the Nigeria’s military capacity to make them adaptive to the security challenges of this millennium (p. 1) which has also evolved from simple criminalities to terrorism that can murder hundreds of men, women and children and destroy properties in a higher scale to sabotage industrial operation in an astounding fashion. Security management has to taken a new genre of warfare to fight against terrorism wielded by extremists specially that Nigeria is aiming at gaining global attention by having a permanent seat at the United Nations Security Council (Ogdah, 2012: 30-89) . This is consistent to the 1999 Constitution of Federal Republic of Nigeria that mandates an effective military force to secure the country from external aggression; maintain territorial integrity and border security; suppress insurrection; assist civil authorities; and, performs necessary functions to restore other functions prescribed by the Act of National Assembly (Ogdah, 2012: 30-89). Aside from these, the military forces also necessitate to improve its capability to respond to disaster mitigation and emergencies so that they are able to embody such discipline, espirit de corps and teamwork for disaster mitigation and risk reduction management (Ogdah, 2012: 30-89). The military forces are also vital in rescue operation, debris removal, medical response, roads clearance, demolition of unsafe structures, provision of temporary shelters and information dissemination (Ogdah, 2012: 30-89). These roles are true to most nations. The military forces also intends to improve their skills in interpersonal relations since part of their task is the Civil-Military Relation as basic component of confidence building measure for national security (Ogdah, 2012: 30-89). National security is not just the mitigation or stopping of violence. It is also about forging better social cohesion by localizing peace-building measures and activities for a harmonious nation and better business climate. The ideals of national security are certainly aimed to developing a vibrant national economy and healthy political climate in partnership with the citizenry (Ogdah, 2012: 30-89). These, however, require complementation and intelligence support from civilian community and of the business sectors (Ogdah, 2012: 30-89). Experts believe that military’s role can be sustainably made effective if supports are provided to keep them adhere the standards of security management. Quelling Security Threats Nigeria has experienced terror attacks from militants operating in the oil rich Niger Delta. The government has sought assistance from several governments and organizations in Africa and around the world. Several militant groups are in conflict with the state each having its own beliefs and trying to enforce certain policies within the Niger delta (Ojakorotu, 2012:18). These groups receive motivation by both political and religious beliefs, and each aims at controlling oil exploitation within the delta. The US government, which is a leading consumer of oil, has offered assistance to the Nigerian government in terms of financial aid, ideological support, and military training. This is assist in the resolution of tremendous civil unrest since 1960s and some coup d’etat led by Major-General Johnson Aguiyi-Ironsi and was followed by four other military coups. The rising instability in the governance front culminated a spurious ethnic rivalry among the people of Nigeria with diverse regional, language and culture. The Northern Nigeria is primarily dominated by the Hausa speaking people who are of the Islamic ethnicity and the South Nigeria consisting of the Yorubas, Igbos, Ijaws, and about 250 other ethnic groups with Christian ethnicity differing from state to state (Adalikwu, 2007:3). The survival of Nigeria as a sovereign nation in the last 52 years has been marred with instability, military coups, economic disaster and debt and military dictators and after gaining independence in 1960, there was a generation of high hopes and several aspirations for the development of a brighter future as well as that of the international community. These hopes clashed with several claims of fraud and irregularities in the government spurred by the ethnic cleavages which resulted in the disruption of the first Nigerian elections back in 1964/65. In 1976, there was a presence of a civilian coup attempt led by the loser of the independent elections, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, to overthrow the democratically elected government of His Excellency Alhaji (Sir) Abubakar Tafawa Balewa. The British colonial governor at the time, General James Robertson, was involved in the manipulation of the elections. Chief Obafemi Awolowo was arrested and sentenced to jail in the comfort of the VIP wing of Calabar Prison. After few years of the failed civilian coup defeat there were amalgamation of regular combatants of Nigerian army and resulted to the deaths of top Nigerian politicians and some soldiers in a bloody coup defeat on January 15, 1966. After that the notion of the zero sum game infiltrated deep within the mentality of the Nigerians and For the purpose of the maintenance of the zero sum game the Nigerians habitually played ethnic cleansing in 1966 and beyond. The metaphor lying behind this was that the coup plotters in January 15, 1966 were executed by the aggrieved (Braide, 2002). In this century, conflict is aggravated by the organization of rebel and terror groups. The groups are as follows: a. Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND)-- is a group of militant in the southern part of Nigeria which gathered world attention in January 2006 when they kidnapped and illegally detained four foreign oil workers (MEND: The Niger Delta’s Umbrella Militant Group, 2012). After those attacks on the oil pipelines and hostages led to the reduction of the oil output in the Niger delta. MEND is composed of skilled youth militants whose political and violent impulses occur anytime poses security concern to the Nigeria government, the US and oil companies. Moreover, there is also some medley on revenue splitting plan within the Federal government with the sharing of around half of the country’s oil revenues within the state governors and the funds has not trickled down to the levels of around 30 million residents of the Niger delta (Aghalino, 2012). In 2003, 70% of the oil revenues were taken away or were wasted based on reports made by Nigerian anticorruption agencies (Aghalino, 2012). Through acting as a secret group, MEND is composed of young militants with estimated thousands of members. Nnamdi K. Obasi, senior analyst of West Africa, stated that the group seemed to be more enlightened as well as sophisticated than those of the past. The leaders of the group are educated and that they have also achieved various militant movements in several parts of the world (Hanson, 2007). b. Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP)-- Another militant group in the southern part of Nigeria is the Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP) that gaiedn international attention in the 1990s. The group was led by Ken Saro-Wiwa and has launched a non-violent campaign in the 1990s against the government and Royal Dutch/Shell due to issues pertaining environmental degradation brought by extractive oil industry and about social inequities. The effort of the group led to the ceasing of production in Ogoniland and in 1995, Saro-Wiwa and eight other MOSOP members, the “Ogoni Nine,” were arrested and executed by the military regime of Late General Sani Abacha (Hanson, 2007). c. Niger Delta Volunteer Force (NDPVF) --. In 2004, the people of Niger Delta Volunteer Force (NDPVF) led by Alhaji Mujahid Dokubo-Asari, an Ijaw man (Ijaw are Nigeria's fourth largest ethnic group) threatened to conduct “all-out war” against the Nigerian government (Hanson, 2007). Nigeria president Olusegun Obasanjo offered Asari and another militant leaders’ political amnesty and payments for the weapons that will be surrendered to the state. After a year, Asari was arrested, charged with treason, and was put behind the bars where he remained (Hanson, 2007). d. The Boko Haram terror group-The number of deaths reported on January 20, 2012 can be attributed to the several bomb attacks in Kano by the members of Boko Haram sects. The Boko Haram group is Muslim fundamentalist sect with a policy of bombing out everything even without sparing the innocent children, women whose involvement in the conflict is high irrelevant and independent. Boko Haram has been loosely modeled on Afghanistan’s Taliban; its operations are concentrated in the poorer states of Yobe, Kano, Bauchi and Borno (Smith, 2011:7). The official name of Boko Haram group is Jama’atu Ahlis Sunna Lidda’awati Wal Jihad. They are committed to the teachings and propagation of the prophet Muhammad but focused on Jihad. The name of the group is derived from the teachings Mohammed Yussuf in the early 2000s, their founder, who hailed from restive northeastern city of Maiduguri, a capital of Borno state (Sani 2008; The Nation, 2012). Yusuf stated that ‘boko’, which signifies western education, brought nothing but poverty and sufferings to the region. Hence, western education should be forbidden because its ‘haram’—which means it’s unacceptable and forbidden in the books of Islam and this teachings were infused within the young men of the north east (Okpaga et al, 2012:82). The group states any reasoning of elements that goes against that of the teachings of Allah will be readily rejected. The belief on their teachings is so stringent that they even do not spare the people of their own ethnicity. A good example was in 2009, reporter Silkida was taken as a hostage by the group in the police station of Maiduguri on July 28. It was stated that the reporter was punished for not waging a jihad against that of the state government and their opponent group Yan Izala group. The group views any of the clerics who go against their teachings even it is associated with that of the related movements and acting as a legitimate target (Cook, 2011:17). In its nascent stage, the terrorist group of Boko Haram primarily attacked the Christians with the help of clubs, matches and small arms as parts of strategy in order to provoke sectarian violence. In the late 2010, the group started to make and utilize crude and effective improvised explosives with the help of soft drink cans equipped with explosives and fuses that was lit and ejected from passing motorcycles. It has been true that the other violent groups like that of Niger Delta People Volunteer Force, MEND but it has been the case that the terrorist group of Boko Haram has been highly responsible for the more attacks than these other armed groups and in the year 2010 the group has been highly responsible for even more terrorist attacks in Nigeria than all the other groups in aggregate. The figure below can be held to be a representative of the same Fig.4: Proportion of the terrorist attacks in Nigeria attributed to the Boko Haram group Source: (Forest, 2012:65) Majority of the group’s attacks have been proliferated in mainly two ways and that is of two forms namely that of the armed and bombing attacks. There has been a significant rise in the bombing attacks since the mid of the year 2011 and the number of casualties is around two times than that of the armed assaults. This can be depicted from the tabular representation below: All incidents (including robberies) Bombings Bombing casualties Armed Assault Armed Assault casualties 2009 23 1 7 14 219 2010 57 11 127 35 107 2011 191 74 587 89 258 Table 6. Attacks by the terrorist group Boko Haram (Forest, 2012:66). The United States believes the Boko haram terrorist group as one of the global terrorist group as it is also spreading its influence in the neighboring countries of Chad, Cameroon and so on. The unmanned drones are automatically controlled pilot less aerial vehicles installed with detonative war weapons and missile launchers with program fixed within it with the locking of the target. An example of the drone attack can be attributed to that of the killing of American-born cleric Anwar al-Awlaki (Olagunju, 2012). Very little is also known about the finances of the Boko Haram group. But the United States along with their allies have been highly engaged in the collaborating efforts along with the Nigerian authorities in the collection of the specific intelligence on the cross-national relationship of the group as well as that of the funding of the group for its weapon supply and other operational dimensions. Reports states that the financial flow of the group comes from its activities through the robbing of the local banks as for example in 2012 as for example four members of the group attempted in robbing a bank in the Bakori Local government area of the Kasina state. On December 4, 2011 the police commissioner of Bauchi claimed that the members of Boko Haram group robbed the local branches of Guaranty Trust Bank PLC and Intercontinental Bank PLC. The financing of the group has also been linked to that of the specific individuals with that of power as well as access to various resources and bureaucratic influence can be also stated to be also a major drive in igniting the financial flow of the group (Forest, 2012:70-75). In June 2012 members of Boko Haram attacked the Yobe prison and freed 40 inmates. More violence cost around 150 Nigerians who lost their lives in the repeated attack (Forest, 2012:70-75). The government’s inability in checking the attacks led President Goodluck Jonathan in sacking of minister of defense, Bello Haliru and the National Security Advisor General Andrew Owoye Azazi (Forest, 2012:70-75). The president’s counterterrorism policies have been highly conjectured on the state force against the principles of negotiation, dialogue and that of the counter- radicalization programs and short term policies. Since 2009, the group of Boko Haram has reportedly killed around thousand people in attacks in the churches, mosques, government buildings and schools as well as that leading to the murder of the high profile politicians and that of the religious figures (Forest, 2012:70-75). The operations led by the security forces caused the death of numerous bystanders and that of the innocent people. In a report taken to an officer stated that, “when we receive intelligence that Boko Haram members are in a particular location, we usually arrive on the scene spraying bullets. Innocent people die but that happens all the time in Nigeria (Brandler, 2012).” In legal terms, the 2011 Prevention of Terrorism Act provides the police, the security forces as well as that of the Joint task forces with powers for the purpose of countering terrorism. Section 13 of the law states that the law enforcement officers are being bestowed with the immunity from civil or criminal liability for the utilization of the force as a necessary means which results in the injury or death to any of the person or damage to the properties. The policies go in hand-in-hand with the Police Force Order 237 allowing the officers for shooting the suspects as well as the detainees attempting to escape or avoid arrest (Brandler, 2012). Rebellion’s Impact to Nigerian society and economy Attacks authored by MENDS negatively impact to oil distribution and have reduced cost at 800,000 barrels /day or over 25% of the country's oil output. In 2006, the attack done to two Royal Dutch Shell oilfields lost 477,000 barrels/day of the reduced output. MENDS had also done car bombings, kidnapped foreign oil workers although they freed the hostages unharmed after negotiations with intermediaries and government’s assistance leading to fulfillment of their demands. Okonta, reflected that taking the hostage got international attention and publicity of their grievances against the Nigerian government (Hanson, 2007). Saro-Wiwa (1985) further affirmed the major causes of the conflicts within the Niger Delta are the inequitable distribution of the revenue and uneven development in the region. Saro-Wiwa (1985) argued that the tribal communities are marginalized in the absence of sustainable development plan, of weak governance, corruption at all levels of the government, and lack of conflict management to resolve the internal political crisis. Wiwa (1985) also opined that leaders often utilized power to generate political benefits that are devoted for interest groups only. For instance, MEND also participates in the process of oil bunkering and of the amount of money generated by the group is highly unclear. Also it has been seen that MEND does not suffer also from the so called lack of money (Hanson, 2007). Meanwhile, the militant group of Boko Haram staged series of bombing attacks, armed assaults in the northern city of Kano, second largest city of Nigeria. The attacks included at least two suicide Vehicle-Born Improvised Explosive Devices (VBIEDs) which were targeted at an array of police facilities in Kano (Travel Warning: Nigeria, 2012:1), including the regional police headquarters that is serving Kano, Kastina and Jigawa States. The number of deaths in Kano was recorded to have reached 250 based on media reports. The group also attacked the state of Bauchi on January 22; bombed two unoccupied churches in the Bauchi metropolitan area. They also robbed a bank in the district of Tafawa Balewata and killed 10 persons including two soldiers and a deputy police superintendent. Stratfor findings 2012, inferred that the group of Boko Haram has the potential of becoming a transnational. Stewart pointed that US government in the early November 2011 alleged that Boko Haram plan to strike the western owned hotels in the area of Abuja, the capital of Nigeria. The group became more destructive and dangerous (Okpaga et al, 2012:82). In 2005, the National Intelligence Council (NIC) of USA that Nigeria supposed that if rebellion and terrorism is tolerated, the nation will collapse in a matter of 15 years, creating a domino effect of violence among the countries in West African sub-region (Oil gangs threaten Nigerian unity,2012; Adar & Iroanya, 2008). The situation required immediate intervention to such divided Nigerian polity. The report indicated that military uprisings led by junior officers of Nigeria’s armed forces will led to the destabilization and creation of an open warfare. The intervention of the international community is aimed at saving Nigeria from ultimate destruction. In the United States, under president Obama, talks have been begun through Jonathan Goodluck after the death of President Yar’Adua. Jonathan consolidated his authority and reconstituted the cabinet. He pledged to support the late president program to fight against corruption. U.S. Secretary Hillary Clinton on visit to Nigeria in 2009 stated her country’s strong resolve to protect and establish security in the Niger Delta. She said that not only was America concerned of protecting the region but also would like to focus their efforts in providing development needs, encouraging the rebels to return to the folds of the law and provide them with whatever support they wanted so that they could start their lives anew. The help of the international community was sought on this regard (African Security Research Project, 2009). This position is sustained by the present administration of President Barrack Obama. The present administration view that the while military intervention is significant to strengthen Nigeria’s economy, there is also however more needs to reinforce its system of governance to make it consistent to international norms of professionalized services. Experts posit that while US-Nigeria military cooperation is a subject to be well-threshed about, but the relations should be made clear that improved governance and economy cannot only be strengthened by military supports. The Nigerian government must also work to improve its governance by making it transparent, free from corruption, systematic, and adaptive to technology. The delivery of social services should be likewise be given focused since most of the studies within the country proved that with high human rights violations and unpeace in the region, evidences of worsening inequality and poverty will hinder its growth. There is so much to do yet for the Nigerian government to truly and effectively deliver its services and to attain peace. Chapter III Discussion and Analysis of the Study This section will focus on the theme of the paper and will be directedg towards a profound discussion of the subject of this study. First, there is doubt that with US-Nigerian economic and military cooperation, which may come as a treaty of two nations, deployment of US forces is likely going to happen to complete the goal of providing training, education and capacity building for Nigerian military forces. This is perceived as the strategic way to improve national security management of Nigeria and also to secure its oil industry from incessant attacks from the rebel forces. But as mentioned earlier, this agreement should be expressed as a treaty between two states to exclude potential ideas of foreign subjugation and entry of foreign control. This agreement must be made transparent and socially acceptable within the standards of international relations and trades. It should be made clear at the outset that the US military intervention is purely educative in nature and should not be interpreted as an incursion to domestic affairs. The US forces should be excluded in the operations in the fight against the rebel groups and dissidents who are authoring heinous crimes and terroristic attacks in the region. However, Nigerian government should also be cognizant that the amount of military aid will also reflect the U.S. reliance an interest in the region. Sullivan (2011) pointed that U.S. military funding may confront the risk if it will ignore U.S. interest, hence, Nigeria should be realistic in their expectations and note that military support is just a short-term security and may not induce general cooperation. Flexibility of term should also be considered because aid is usually associated to the calibration of preferences of government policy. While there is much positive gains to expect, but Sullivan (2011) opined that military support can also backfire because there are a person who thinks that military strategy may impede democratization and recurrence of security threats. In the late 1990s, US policy makers realized that United States highly depends on the African oil resources hence started increasing the military involvement to suppress the undemocratic activities (U.S. Military Involvement in Nigeria, 2009). US wanted to safeguard the investment of the United States within the oil sector with the decision of selling naval patrol boats with training mission in the oil producing areas. It can be said that the United States wanted to make the Nigerian military an extension of the US police within the sub region as professionalized peace keepers. This was actually the code which the US army used for making the army of Nigeria as the ultimate guarantor of the new democracy after 1999 under the President Chief Olusegun Obasanjo (Omoruyi, 2012). In the year 1997, American president Bill Clinton implemented the Africa Crisis Response Initiative which was one of the first of a whole array of new military programs aimed towards the incorporation of the increased US military assistance in the African regimes and also for the purpose of the expanding the military activities in the African continent. In the year 2004, ACRI was expanded as well as renamed as the African Contingency Operations Training and Assistance (ACOTA) program (U.S. Military Involvement in Nigeria, 2009). The executive agent of ACRI is the US Army European Command (USEUCOM) which is responsible for the military training involved in establishing and maintaining the concept of ACRI. The United States ACRI training fall under the operational command and control of the Special Operations Command Europe (SOCEUR), although the training is conducted by the 3rd and 5th Special Forces Groups (Airborne) based at Fort Bragg, North Carolina, and by logistic experts from the 18th Airborne Corps of the US Army European Command. The program is basically a training scheme based on the bilateral cooperation with selected African states that seeks to enhance African peacekeeping through capacity-building programs. The initiatives include around 10 to 12000 soldiers in well trained companies and battalions with the commandment of the brigade staffs and with the support of their own logistics units in a 60 day multifunctional instructional program (Aning, 2001:49). The training of these battalions costs within range of US $ 1 and 3.1 million with one third of it used in the outfitting the African battalions along with a range of non-lethal military equipment namely Motorola hand-held radios, water purification devices, radio broadcast repeater systems, mine-detection equipment, high frequency radios for upper-level command and control, satellite communication systems, uniforms, boots, packs, tools and optometric tests (Aning, 2001:49). Africa Contingency Operations Training and Assistance Program (ACOTA) started in operation in 2002 with the replacement of ACRI initiative. In 2004, ACOTA became an indispensible part of the Global Peace Operations initiative (Volman, 2009). It is officially designed for the provision of training to the African military forces for the purpose of improving the ability of the African military forces for countering the anti-peace mechanisms even if the circumstances take place in hostile environments (Volman, 2009). The training cover counters insurgency military operations; engaging with police forces and relating with civilians (Volman, 2009). In 2007, there were about 19 countries participating in the ACOTA program. These are Benin, Botswana, Burkina Faso Ethiopia, Gabon, Ghana, Kenya, Malawi, Mali, Mozambique, Namibia, Niger, Nigeria, Rwanda, Senegal, South Africa, Tanzania, Uganda, and Zambia. In 2004, ACOTA became part of Global Peace Operations Initiative (GPOI) with $40 million budgetary allocation from the Bush administration. The GPOI was in itself a multilateral five year program aiming at the training of around 75,000 troops mostly from the African countries by the year 2010 with the receipt of more than $ 92 million under the announcement of President’s fiscal year 2008 budget including a provision of around $ 5 million for the reorganization of the armed forces of Democratic Republic of Congo, $16 million (Volman, 2009) to reorganize the Liberian military, and $41 million in the integration process of the Sudan People’s Liberation Army into the national army as part of the peace process for southern Sudan (Volman, 2008). The United States Institute of Peace trainers (USIP) are wing of the military of the United States of America who are in the charge of providing peace keeping with military assistance. Within the time span of 2010-2011, the experts of USIP held workshops with the enlisted soldiers centering in the Peacekeeping Center, part of the Jaji Military Training Centre north of Kaduna. The place was selected because the center there was established there for around more than five years earlier for the purpose of the USIP training established as a wing of the army’s Infantry Corps Center and School to train troops for “peace support operations” (Lubold, 2011). US have been focused on providing security assistance in Nigeria to further its trade relation on oil. The US military assistance in monetary values within the time period 2003 to 2010 is provided below FY 2003 Actual FY 2004 Actual FY 2005 Actual FY 2006 Actual FMS Agreements 6,672 4,662 2,318 253 FMS Construction Sales Agreements FMS Deliveries 3,181 3,330 6,849 3,002 FMS Construction Sales Deliveries 44 38 7 FMF 1,065 CS licensed 1,502 6 2,509 2,858 IMET Deliveries 96 926 IMET Number of Students 6 98 Table 4. Assistance from US within the period Financial Year (FY 2003-2006) valued in dollars in thousands. Source: (African Security Research Projects, 2009). FY 2007 Actual FY 2008 Actual FY 2009 Estimated FY 2006 Request FMS Agreements 724 285 NA NA FMS Construction Sales Agreements NA NA FMS Deliveries 4,025 564 NA NA FMS Construction Sales Deliveries 2 NA NA FMF 1,200 1,339 1,350 1,350 CS licensed 3,631 NA NA IMET Deliveries 695 812 850 1,100 IMET Number of Students 62 35 NA NA Table 5. Assistance from US within the period Financial Year (FY 2007-2010) valued in dollars in thousands (African Security Research Projects, 2009). The abbreviations used in the table are given below as: CS = Commercial Sales Est. = Estimate FM = Foreign Military FMF = Foreign Military Financing FMS = Foreign Military Sales IMET = International Military Education and Training NA = Not Available Source: (African Security Research Projects, 2009). In 2003, the United States also delivered around four surpluses US Balsam-class coastal patrol ships with the help of Excess Defense Articles program of the U.S. Defense Security Assistance Agency. The ships had an accumulated value of more than $4.1 million. The eligibility of Nigeria receiving security assistance is delivered through the Trans-Saharan Counter-Terrorism Partnership program, ACOTA, the Anti-Terrorism Assistance program, and the International Narcotics Control and Law Enforcement (INCLE) program (Szayna, 2009:22). In May 2008, the war college in Carlisle in Pennsylvania in America hosted the program of “Unified Quest 2008” which was a five day war games destined for testing the ability of the American military in dealing with that of the different types of crisis emergence in the future (Szayna, 2009:22). The program was the first time where the war games infused the African scenarios as an integral part of Pentagon’s plan in establishing a new military command. The five day war games co-sponsored by the Army Training and Doctrine Command (TRADOC), the Special Forces Command, and the Joint Forces Command was a mechanics which is hence designed for the evolution of the types of crises arising in the different corners of the world within the next 25 years and how the United States will be able to handle the case (Szayna, 2009:22). The “ Unified Quest 2008” also brought together different participants from the state department as well as that of the other U.S. government agencies, academics, journalists, and foreign military officers (including military representatives from several NATO countries, Australia, and Israel), along with the private military contractors helping in running the war games (African Security Research Projects, 2009). The country of Nigeria is well recognized for possessing the most experienced groups or cadres dedicated towards peacekeeping processes. Nigeria is one of the largest nations in Africa directed towards the contribution for peace keeping mechanism. Recently USIP’s workshops included focus payment on the negotiation techniques prepared for the students for the practicing of the mediation as communication skill development (African Security Research Projects, 2009). The aim of the program was directed for protection with the demonstration of using role-play, mock-checkpoint and mitigation of chances of the violence (African Security Research Projects, 2009). One of the significant techniques taught is negotiation skills for managing conflicts (African Security Research Projects, 2009). The body of USIP has coordinated with the ACOTA programs from 2008 and tackled 20 training workshops in and around six African countries over the last three years. The United States of America considers the country of Nigeria as zone for needed reconciliation across the whole continent (African Security Research Projects, 2009). In the last few decades, the country of Nigeria played significant role in peace restoration in with the assistance of United Nations peacekeeping mission in Sierra Leone and the mission in Liberia (African Security Research Projects, 2009). It has enhanced the capacity building course and continuation of the collaboration services (Lubold, 2011). US Ambassador Terrence McCulley opined that Nigerians in the north felt betrayed by their governments who failed to provide social services and adequate infrastructure. Criminals and terrorists exploited these sentiments and thus propelled U.S. to object the use of heavy-handed tactics of security forces taking on those challenges” but must find approaches to run after Boko Haram combined with better services for Northern citizens (US tasks Nigeria to abandon "heavy handed" military tactics against Boko Haram, 2012). The officials of the United States have been highly frustrated by the alleged slow and parochial response to the spread of the violent Islamist movement in Nigeria’s northern region (Gearan, 2012). Hilary Clinton also argued that the threat of the Boko Haram group could be managed in a better way with rigorous information sharing within Nigeria’s far-flung security apparatus with the offering of the US in the establishment of an intelligence fusion cell. Clinton further added that the assistance from United states would be highly helpful in the identification of the Boko Haram militants and that of the forensic services in tracking of the homemade bombs (Gearan, 2012).. The intelligence core will be dedicated towards streamlining of the collection and analysis of the information about the militants coming out of several intelligence as well as that of the law enforcement agencies (Gearan, 2012). The United States believes that the Boko Haram group created a rigid Islamic state in the north of Nigeria. The group in this year also attacked churches with bombs and have provoked reprisals against several Muslims with the death of thousands of people (Gearan, 2012). The Nigerian military forces are also in the spree of taking the lead against Boko Haram but the present government under Goodluck Jonathan is facing criticisms that the effort is poorly managed. It can be stated that heavy handed military response has been behind the production of a reaction of resentment (Gearan, 2012). Recently, in August 2012, the Nigerian military searched the state of Kogi in search of the gunmen behind a recent massacre where the attackers restricted the exits of a church and executed rampant firing on the trapped worshippers with the death of around 19 people (BBC, 2012). The United States government was forecasting of a more open audience from the Nigeria’s new national security chief. Clinton also pointed on the actions on an oil law which has been postponed for around five years and the law will affect the foreign firms in exploring and producing circumstances and will be analyzing the situation which will be suggesting towards the hampering of the future business growth (Gearan, 2012). Oil: Of crime and violence Second, it is affirmed that while the oil discovery in 1956 became the prime variable steering the economy. Figure 2. Niger’s annual crude oil consumption per year (Index Mundi, 2012) The oil exports in Nigeria have been a positive function of time and the export curve of the oil can be seen to be a rising curve with time which can be seen as below given line diagram: Fig.1 Exports of oil in percentage over years (Mähler, 2010:14) However, this researcher posits the need for Nigeria to develop a national policy that will regulate and manage its oil extractive industry to have clear coordinative mechanism with its investors and to define security management policies (Ezirim & Ekenedirichukwu, 2010:62). In the Niger Delta, spurious violence after 1990s can be well attributed towards the Nigerian state; Multinational oil companies (MNOCs), as well as that of the Niger Delta communities. Large scale administrative failures led to the invasive underdevelopment throttled by the environmental pollution, despoliation, and political marginalization with that of the fervent neglect by the Nigerian state and the MNOCs in the policy of individual profit maximization without thinking of the general people as a whole (Ojakorotu & Ojakorotu, 2010). Thus agitations related to oil commenced highly in the region with that of the compelling forces to the state and the MNOCs for mitigating the injustice imparted on the Niger Deltans since the discovery of crude oil in commercial quantities in 1956 as stated earlier (Ojakorotu & Ojakorotu, 2010). But it has been found that the Nigerian state along with the collaboration with MNOCs have maintained a persistence regime of violence with failed attempt to military repress and that of neutralizing the legitimate protests steering the minorities of the delta from refraining away from the unremitting surge of the oil rents from its exploration, exploitation as well as that of the appropriation (Ojakorotu & Ojakorotu, 2010). Oil is a natural revenue generating resource in the Nigerian economy (Martin & Subramanian, 2003). Thus, it’s not surprising that rebel may engage themselves in the quasi-criminal activities such as oil bunkering, kidnappings, and piracy to find political gains from the operation either by exacting rebel taxes or by demanding for ransom in exchange for their kidnap victims. This criminal activities are indeed very rampant in Niger Delta(Ezirim & Ekenedirichukwu, 2010:63). On the other hand, the preexistence of rich natural resources of oil has seen to be an inductive mechanism for third parties like the states and corporations in fostering civil conflicts (Humphreys, 2005:511). This is demonstrated in the involvement of Shell BP in the Ogoni crisis where huge sum of money was paid to people (Ezirim & Ekenedirichukwu, 2010: 63) because the perceived discrimination of the producing area and that of the discrimination encountered by the people from those producing region generate grievances and trigger violent uprisings and conflicts. It can be stated that the countries which depend on the natural resources may be on the trajectory of enforcing inequity. Such economies may be highly vulnerable to various macroeconomic and business shocks if they neglect to balance industrial developments with production of other necessary commodities, such as agricultural products. In cases like this, the country will become dependent from import and export relations. Other problems that would be met are forced migration of people who are interested to earn from oil extraction; damages of environment; and loss of the land rights. This kin ds of problem do not require military and police intervention unless violence occur in the advocacy for ecological protection; scaling up of criminalities due to concentration of people in the development zones; and land rights advocacy will result to a tag-of-war between land owners and state agents (Ezirim & Ekenedirichukwu, 2010:63). Noting all these, the oil extraction industry may provide opportunities for trade and employment but this could also be an opportunity for rebel groups to exact finances from corporations (Ezirim & Ekenedirichukwu, 2010:63) and also an opportunity for corrupt officials to malverse funds that can be generated from taxes of oil companies. This is dangerous if government officials will be involved to anomalies because they are those persons who can make use of violent means to attain economic gains and they could forget the delivery of social services to people – in which case, those sick will not be medicated, those children and aged can’t avail of social benefits, government institutions could dysfunction, and thus result to further social maladies. This researcher believes that aside from military forces intervention, strengthen Nigeria’s governance and regulatory functions could be fix by non-military interventions. Its therefor appropriate that US sees this side so that security management in the country can be undertaken by military, police and civilian populace. Added to the preceding discussion, the rentier economics provides one-sided integration in the economy of the world and hence cannot add to the development of the thick terms of exchange available for the restoration of peace as well as stability. The importance of natural resources may lie in their impacts on the daily economic activities of the citizens of an economy and how these influence citizen’s attitudes for better social cohesion (Ezirim & Ekenedirichukwu, 2010:64). The rentier theory develops from the concept of rent which is actually the excess over the returns to the capital, land and labors when the factors of production are utilized in their next best uses. Although this does not concentrate on the violence dimensions but this emphasize the stability of the authoritarian rule. However, the authoritarian rule in Nigeria is alleged to have financed the security apparatus to support indigenous chiefs and elites, including the maintenance of lawfulness and order in the Niger Delta. It’s a bit strange to even note that there are people whose traditional beliefs mirrored the idea that the conflict situations in Nigeria is a resource curse because some capitalists who opted oil extraction hinder the utilization of land for agricultural production and for manufacturing. Its theorized that the decline in the performances in these sectors exposes the country to some vulnerability of external macroeconomic shocks. Extensions in the resource curse theory also points towards the association of the natural resources as well as that of the violent conflicts. The theory also points that the resource dependent economies are highly vulnerable to the internal instability as well as that of violent conflicts as compared to that of the resource scarce countries. A fraction of the population in the resource rich country may generate feelings among them that they can take control over the financial benefits arising from the resource revenues and giving rise towards the infusion of tremendous violence. The resource revenues acting may act as a catalyst in the creation of the violent conflict with the financing of the rebel groups with the emergence of various anti-social activities as seen in the literature as that of oil bunkering, corruption, theft, murder, kidnapping, and extortions and so on in the Niger Delta (BBC, 2006). In the theory it is also implied that resources like that of oil enhance the violence likelihood with the weakening of the political institutions and triggering of the socio economic decline. The relevance of the theory and that of the anti-social activities related to oil in the Niger Delta and also the value of the total oil shut down can be examined from the pictorial diagram as follows: Fig.2 Total Value of oil stolen in the Niger Delta from 2000-2008 (Asuni, 2009:6). Fig. 3 Total Value of oil shut-in per day (Asuni, 2009:6) Authors such as Fearon and Latin argue that “oil producers tend to have weaker state apparatuses than one would expect given their level of income because the rulers have less need of a socially intrusive and elaborate bureaucratic system to raise revenues” (Fearon and Laitin, 2002:16). Thus the exploration of the theories evolve a synchronous linkage between the resources like oil in case of Nigeria and violence and much of it can be said to be made responsible to that of the inability of the Nigerian state in the implementation of any coherent resource governance policy. Third, rebellion and social discontent is caused to by hungry stomach. Unemployment is means poverty and underdevelopment. A study involving 100 adults between the ages of 30 and 70 years old, professed about youth’s responsiveness to join massive protest revealed that people at Niger Delta are oppressed and politically marginalized. Many respondents attributed youth’s restiveness to inordinate quest for material belongings (Chukwuemeka & Aghara, 2010:404). The poor revenue of the federation and that of the poor revenue base of the Niger delta cannot amply provide the needs of their family and children (Chukwuemeka & Aghara, 2010:404). If poverty is real in every home, then every youth can easily empathize to movement’s advocacy for social equality, for employment, against corruption, and against human rights violations (Chukwuemeka & Aghara, 2010:404). Some of the respondents however opined that the restiveness would be neutralized if more amounts of funds are allocated to the region. This findings are reflected in this tabulated result: Response Youth Adult Total Yes 15 3 18 No 13 4 17 Total 28 7 35 Table. 1. Respondents opinion on the major causes of youth restiveness in the Niger Delta region Response Youth Adult Total Yes 9 2 11 No 21 3 24 Total 30 5 35 Table. 2. Respondents’ opinion on inordinate pursuit of wealth by some members of the Niger Delta region Response Youth Adult Total Yes 9 4 13 No 21 2 22 Total 30 5 35 Table 3. Respondents’ opinion on increment in fund allocation to the Niger Delta Respondents of this study also complained about the environmental hazard and ecological destruction posed by oil extraction industry (Chukwuemeka & Aghara, 2010:404). Some youths have strong sentiment for ecological protection. Fourth, dissent in the community on industrialization is the also attributed to lack of trustworthy governance that could regulate extractive industry to make it sensitive to sustainable development. Industrialized projects are capital intensive and poorly designed and hence, incapable for to bring in sustainable development to Nigerian economy. Oil revenues were wasted on projects which were unproductive and benefit only those who are rich. The inefficient wastage of the public resources were instilled with significant levels of debt burden and interest rates hike and exacerbated by tremendous decline of global oil prices in 1980s. Severe economic crisis hits Nigeria in the 1980s (World Bank: 1990:42; Olashore, 2012). The sharp fall of the value of the hit tremendously the economic conditions of the middle and the lower middle class people. Degeneration in the infrastructure and rapid cuts in expenditures found their evil effects to health and education—the most important sectors. The adapted structural policy reforms are ineffective and unsustainable resource management paradigm. Hence, about 70% of the populace suffer poverty in the mid phase of 1990s (Mahler, 2010). The following graph will emphasize the situation in a much more robust manner. Fig.3 Percentage of population living below one dollar per day Amid this deteriorating economic condition and violent conflicts of militant groups in Niger Delta, the US intervention for security management and transformation of governance is a welcome development. Chapter 1V Conclusion Niger Delta is a region where America fetches a significant amount of oil imports. The continent of Africa has been and still found within the periphery of solid poverty trajectory and unstable political tenure. Through collaboration and bilateral relations with United States, partnership is forged to improve the security management of the country; boost the economic operation especially those in the extractive industry; and to improve its system of governance to attain a peaceful and harmonious country. The US intervention has helped in improving national security but this alone cannot guarantee that its political landscape will attain genuine peace unless all the causes of rebellion are addressed and terror groups are apprehended by Nigerian authorities. The infusion of education and provision of technical skills in managing security and risks in this country can only be effectively demonstrated when law enforcers are able to do its tasks in accordance to international standards of security management, peacekeeping, conflict management and in building a community with better social cohesion or relation. When these are effectively delivered, terror groups will be apprehended and be brought to law for conviction; peace agenda can be advanced through negotiations with rebel groups; dialogues and negotiations can take place to resolve political issues including those matters human rights violations and delivery of social services. 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