The Problems Industrialization Created - Essay Example

American History Describe the problems industrialization created for workers in the U.S. during the second half of the nineteenth century. Explain the significance of the Haymarket incident, the Homestead strike, and the Pullman strike. Why did unions achieve so few victories throughout this period of American history? Ans. The history of Labor Movement and the labor unions in the United States, compared to history of industrialization in the United Kingdom, has never taken a concretized form. While in the earlier part of the 19th century, despite presence of ample natural resources to initiate industrial revolution, the entire process did not receive much success mainly due to problems of transportation, in the second half, diversification among laborers, their respective demands, socio-cultural factors of their existence and presence of abundant population, willing to give labor, did not provide sufficient scope to labor movements and evolve of socialism in the American context. Stanley L. Engerman and Robert E. Gallman while genealogically discussing the history of industrialization in the United States has attempted to reflect upon the reasons that prevented industrial revolution from taking a flourish in the early 19th century: “The future of the American economy in the years of the revolutionary war and the achievement of independence was … uncertain ….There was some reasonable degree of prosperity in most states, and if transportation problems could be overcome … the economy had possibilities for growth and development. The economy of 1800 was … primarily agricultural, dependent upon the British economy for many manufactured goods, and affected negatively by the British Navigation Act” (Engerman and Gallman 127). This observation becomes important in the context of the discussion because within this scope it discusses the constraints of commencing industrial revolution and the aspiration to initiate the same in an organized way so that dependence on the British can be reduced, consequently leading to strengthening the American economy. However, till 1860, despite certain shifts from the agricultural dependency to industrialization, no radical changes were observed in the total labor force of the nation and by 1960 only one-sixth of the entire U.S labor force opted for industrialization (Engerman and Gallman 127-28). Since 1860 onwards, the situation gradually started undergoing a transformation as it was becoming evident that individualize measured output in the manufacturing and service sector is capable of exceeding the income generated from agricultural sector (Engerman and Gallman 128). Thus, in the second half of the 19th century, increasing number of people started shifting from agricultural dependence to industrial sector and very soon, while a large part of the national labor force joined industrialization in the United States, the problems of laborers became prominent. Herbert A. Applebaum observes: “Common laborers were highly exploited, working for low wages, and were socially fragmented. As a result their work culture reflected alienation and insecurity. Their struggles in the workplace were often uncoordinated efforts to secure and maintain their employment. Powerlessness and dislocation for the most part dominated their lifestyles” (Applebaum 10). While the increasing number of people, with the aspiration for earning a better future, was joining the labor force, opportunity for industrialists was also increasing to earn higher profit at a low wage rate. Additionally, as the American population was characterized with high fertility and comparatively lower mortality rate (Engerman and Gallman 128) the industrialists received more opportunity to obtain options in case of accomplishing works in the same wage rate. However, such exploitation of the workers in the industrial sector during the second half of 19th century did not remain entirely ignored and non-protested for long. The Haymarket Square Incident, which was resulted due to demand of the unions and workers across the nation, demanding shorter working hours, proved that unions and common workers were ready no more to work according to the wish of the employers. However, at the same time it was also asserted that the state governance would not encourage such radical activism and to receive control over the situation they can go to quite a ruthless extent (Campbell 154-55). The Homestead Strike (July-November 1892) is another major example were the workers stood against arbitrary work policy making of the industrialist and quite in a planned manner they prepared themselves to fight against joint oppression of the state instruments and employers. Despite the fact that final conflict occurred in the Homestead but workers of total 26 states supported this movement and helped the Amalgamated Association of Iron and Steel Workers (AAISW) to accumulate a total amount of $146,000 so that the strike can receive adequate financial support also. However, in this case also the movement was ruthlessly suppressed by the instruments of governance and a clear message was also delivered to the industrialists that they would receive support to the best possible extent from the state in case of handling such situations. Consequently, the steel companies took strict attitude toward labor unions, leading to complete disappearance of the unions from the steel industry (Campbell 164-67). The Pullman Strike (1894) perhaps received the highest degree of success among all such incidents, generated from the protest of workers against industrial authorities. Despite the fact that the state used its resources in every way to condemn the rebellious workers, however, failed and it contributed the successive incidents in such a way that during the tenure of President Woodrow Wilson it was clearly realized that to compromise with the demands of worker is “politically prudent” than to afford the repetition of Pullman Strike (Campbell 174-76). Keeping in mind these certain successes of the workers and labor unions against tyranny of the industrialists, it cannot be said that opportunity for labor union or labor union movement was taking a proper shape. An effort to analyze the reasons behind such failure would show the typical mentality that goes deep into American work culture and also has been jotted by Beatrice and Sidney Webb that “labor organization is a product of capitalization of industry, which makes the barrier between journeyman and master practically impassable for the great majority of workmen” (Sewall 215). Apart from socio-cultural and socio-political issues, the American workforce seems to be convinced to some extent by such observation. Thus, despite such incidents of mass revolution gained some success, but magnitude of the same is never vast enough so that they were supported also in the longer run. Consequently, failure of the labor unions became evident. 2. In the 1870s and 1880s, America was reluctant to take on additional territorial responsibilities. Towards the end of the century, this isolationist stance gave way to increased military action and foreign involvements around the world. Tell why this change in attitude and policy occurred. What factors contributed to the end of American isolationism? In which regions of the globe did the U.S. extend her influence? Ans. The journey of the United Stated from American Isolationism to imperialism and consequent quest to assert supremacy underwent a radical transformation during later part of the 19th century to early 20th century. After detachment of the America from Europe, once the line between Old and New World was specifically determined, there was strong inclination on part of the American to remain in close contact with the old land, and adequate attempts were made by the “former American colonies” (Powaski xi) to remain in close contact with Old World, especially, in terms of economic dependence. However, with the gradual course of time, it was becoming clear to the first settlers that apart from geographical distance, in terms of behavioral pattern and socio-cultural existence, they are quite different from the European counterparts (Powaski xi). Additionally, compared to Europe, “the relative peace, freedom, and opportunity that the New World offered” (Powaski xii), reflecting on these aspects, American developed a notion of moral supremacy from the Old one. The issue of American Isolationism received a stronger foundation with certain contribution from the political activism among European countries also, and it becomes evident with the observation that the Franco-Spanish Treaty (1604), Anglo-French treaty (1686), and Spanish-Portuguese treaty (1750) made clear attempt to not include America within the process (Powaski xii). The history of American civilization is replete with acts of warfare, which also had contributed considerably in its isolation. The American internal political affairs remained so disturbed for a long period of time that it did not receive any scope to shift attention toward imperialism or to indulge into international political controversies. The process of such engagement was so intense during the 1870 and 80s that despite using French in time of war against Britain, once the situation of crisis was over, the alliance was immediately broken by stating that “It was our policy to be independent in the most independent sense … minding our own business…” (Powaski xiv). During the European War, the same policy of isolation was maintained, additionally, American in terms of military power, was under no situation to assist the French. However, such passivity was not entirely due to remain a powerless entity in the international political context. Presidents, Washington and Jefferson realized that during the time European nations remain engaged amidst their conflict, America will be at an advantageous condition to improve her power (Powaski xvii). Eventually by the end of 19th century “the United States had become an industrial giant with worldwide economic interests” (Powaski xx) and reached the situation of entering the domain of international political standards, empowered with its army and naval forces. While it has been widely argued that, keeping a close watch over development of politics in the European context, the United States decided to receive a greater control of the international politics, the intention of the legislature and rise of nationalism also acted as important factors, leading the United States to think beyond the realms of traditional American Isolationism (Powaski xx-xxi; Paterson, Clifford, Maddock, Kisatsky and Hagan 4-10). The introduction of Theodor Roosevelt as the president of the United States clearly added new potential to the issue of American Internationalism and breaching the realms of Isolation. While on one hand, the new President accepted the Isolationist policy of his predecessors, but he also asserted that dependence over the same policy the United States cannot afford in the 20th century political dynamism in the global context (Powaski 1-2). During the Venezuela Crisis in 1895 and during the time of overcoming the economic depression of 1890s, it was clearly realized that to maintain political status of the United States in the global scene and to solve the problem of overproduction for which foreign trade is necessary, the importance of an excellent naval force is undeniable (Paterson, Clifford, Maddock, Kisatsky and Hagan 4-6). Roosevelt provided primary importance to increase naval power with the help of Captain Alfred Thayer Mahan (Powaski 2). In the meantime, international political situation was becoming more complicated as the United States was involved in the conflict with Spain, and Germany was also emerging as a strong threat against the U.S. power. With the intention of handling the situation, Roosevelt developed close alliance with Britain and British also encouraged this allegiance because in the Western European context, German power also remained as a threat for the British (Powaski 2-3). The United States that emerged as a new power during the Spanish-American war in 1898, gradually paved her access toward being an international superpower and several Central American as well as Caribbean nations, such as, Puerto Rico, Philippines, Hawaii, Panama, Mexico, Columbia, were taken under the scope of the U.S. influence (Paterson, Clifford, Maddock, Kisatsky and Hagan 9-14). Works Cited Applebaum, Herbert A. The American work ethic and the changing work force: an historical perspective. California: Greenwood Publishing Group. 1998. Campbell, Ballard C. Disasters, accidents, and crises in American history: a reference guide to the nations most catastrophic events. New York: Infobase Publishing. 2008. Engerman, Stanley L. and Gallman, Robert E. “The Emergence of a Market Economy before 1860”. A companion to 19th-century America. London: Wiley-Blackwell. 2006. Hagan, Kenneth J. Kisatsky, Deborah. Maddock, Shane J. Clifford, J. Garry. and Paterson, Thomas. American Foreign Relations: A History, Volume 2: Since 1895. 7th Ed. Connecticut: Cengage Learning. 2009. Powaski, Ronald E. Toward an entangling alliance: American isolationism, internationalism, and Europe, 1901-1950. California: Greenwood Publishing Group. 1991. Sewall,  Adams. Labor Problems: A Text Book. South Carolina: BiblioBazaar, LLC. 2009. Read More