The Expulsion of the Jews from Spain in 1492 - Essay Example

What personal responsibility do Ferdinand and Isabella bear for the expulsion of the Jews from Spain in 1492? Ferdinand and Isabella must bear the principal responsibility for the expulsion of the Jews from Spain in 1492. There is some evidence that popular anti-Semitism had been growing in the centuries immediately before the edict, but there is also evidence of continuing peaceful coexistence. A series of events seem to have convinced the monarchs that, if the Catholic religion of their kingdoms was to flourish, there was no option left but expulsion of the Jews. Firstly, there was the issue of an extremely large convert population, especially after 1391 - an issue not encountered anywhere else in Western Europe. In order to deal with this issue, they introduced the Inquisition, but reports from the Inquisitors only confirmed their fears that converts to Christianity could not be considered secure in the faith until they could be prevented from having any contact with Jews. Shortly after the fall of Granada, with the Muslim threat quashed, and Christian emotion running high, they decided to move for expulsion. Therefore, they bear great personal responsibility, but it should be noted that they were heavily influenced by the Inquisition, and by political developments. It has often been suggested that in the period leading up to the expulsion edict, greater intolerance and anti-Semitism had been developing in Europe generally. From the 13th century onwards, what Gavin Langmuir termed ‘chimeric antisemitism’ arguably made itself felt in Europe (Peters, 17). Evidence of popular resentment against Jews, as the perceived enemies of Christendom, is plentiful. For example, there were massacres in the Rhineland in 1096, as the First Crusade began. Spanish society, which had hitherto been characterised chiefly by its peaceful coexistence, was not exempt from this trend towards anti-Semitism. Altabé certainly adopts this viewpoint, as he states that ‘Muslim caliphs and Christian kings often referred to themselves with pride as emperors of the three religions’ (728). Until the 14th century, as Peters notes, the public life of the Iberian states was commonly termed convivencia, or ‘peacefully living together’ (9). Castile and Aragon were unique cases in Western Europe, in terms of their religious and cultural diversity. They had the most substantial populations of Muslims and Jews in the region, and despite the restrictions placed on the latter, Jews were still able to rise to positions of power, wealth and prominence. Jews were to be found among the advisers of the monarchs and lords, and many of the most exalted families in the land, including that of Ferdinand himself, had Jewish blood. In the 14th and 15th centuries, a series of civil wars contributed to a series of economic crises, and it has sometimes been held that Christian fanatics were able to use these to stir up resentment of the urban Jewish population. Spanish Jews were mostly involved in urban commerce, in the provision of financial services, and in trades and crafts, and so were an obvious target in a period of economic hardship. In some places, popular hatred was whipped up to such an extent that massacres of Jews occurred. In 1391, it has been estimated that up to a third of the Jewish population in Spain was killed, while a further third may have converted in order to save their lives (Altabé 729). Peters suggests that perhaps half of Iberian Jews converted in 1391, and describes this as ‘an event unprecedented in history – and one for which the Iberian church and society, indeed any contemporary Christian church and society, were utterly unprepared’ (9). There were also forced mass conversions, notably those carried out by the Dominican Vicente Ferrer in the 1410s.The ‘problem’ posed by the large number of converts, or conversos, became a serious one for the Spanish monarchs, and it lay at the root of the decision to issue an edict of expulsion. That there was some popular anti-Jewish sentiment in Spain can scarcely be doubted. A good illustration of this is that the popular term for Jewish converts to Christianity was marranos, or pigs. Nevertheless, Spain had a unique history of royal protection of minorities, and there is little reason to believe that Ferdinand and Isabella would not have been willing to continue this, had the situation remained the same. That resentment of the Jewish population was by no means universal can also be seen in the reactions of some Christians to the expulsion decree. As Kamen put it, ‘although the majority may have applauded, there were many Christian Spaniards who remained extremely unhappy about the measure’ (52). Spain had traditionally been a multicultural society, and Jews were present at every level of society, with some even acting as friends and advisers to the monarchs. While there had been tension in some areas, notably Andalusia, where an expulsion decree had already been enacted, in other parts of Castile and Aragon such sentiment was hardly present, if at all. For this reason, it is probable that the edict of expulsion came as surprise to some towns and villages, especially in the north. Jerónimo de Zurita, the official chronicler of Aragon, felt able to write that ‘Many were of the opinion that the King was making a mistake to throw out people who were so industrious and hard-working...They also said that more hope could be entertained of their conversion by leaving them in the country, than by throwing them out’ (Kamen, 53). In such sentiment was indeed widespread, then Ferdinand and Isabella must surely bear even greater responsibility for the expulsion of the Jews, given that they were willing to go against the wishes of many of their Christian subjects. There has been a general trend in the historiography towards portraying the monarchs as singularly bigoted individuals, who bear full responsibility for the edict of expulsion. This edict is, furthermore, often held to have had calamitous economic effects on the Spanish kingdoms. It was in 1469 that Isabella, heiress-apparent to the Castilian throne, and Ferdinand, heir to that of Aragon, were married, an event which is viewed by some has having ‘had disastrous consequences for Spanish Jewry’ (Encyclopaedia Judaica). Norwich states that, with the accession of Ferdinand and Isabella, ‘Christianity was once again in the ascendant’ in the western Mediterranean (239). The Spanish Borgia Pope, Alexander VI bestowed upon the couple the title of los Reyes Catolicos, or ‘the Catholic Kings’. Norwich places a great importance on the religious zeal of the monarchs, going so far as to claim that ‘Few rulers in European history have shown themselves narrower or more bigoted than Isabella’ (240). Nevertheless, there was no real question of total expulsion of Spain’s Jews before the advent of the Inquisition. It was Ferdinand and Isabella who requested a papal bull for the introduction of the Inquisition in their kingdoms. They had also persuaded Pope Innocent VIII to order all foreign princes to return conversos who had fled abroad to the Inquisition. This was motivated mainly by reports that some converted Jews were keeping up with their former religious and social practices, and that their fraternising with those who continued to practise traditional Jewish rites compromised the sincerity of their conversion. The King and Queen were aware that converts still met with Jewish family and friends to dine on Jewish holidays and holy days, and, as Altabé puts it, ‘It was believed that while Jews remained in Spain those who had converted might never entirely give up their original faith’ (729). Isabella’s confessor, Tomás de Torquemada, was made inquisitor-general in 1483, and from then on, the Inquisition took on a more prominent role in rooting out heresy and ungodliness. By 1504, at least 2000 individuals had been put to death by the Inquisition. It is probable that their predecessors had not invited the Inquisition to Spain due to their concern that its power would erode their own. However, not only were the new monarchs galvanised by their religious zeal, but they also recognised that the Inquisition could have some political benefits. Paul Hauben, in reviewing Erna Paris’s book on the expulsion, notes Paris’ acknowledgement that whatever the religious and personal motives that drove Ferdinand and Isabella to establish the Inquisition, they ‘also saw it as a centralizing force institutionally and politically’ (337). Indeed, a distinction has sometimes been drawn between the religious fanaticism of Isabella, which led her to support an Inquisition, and Ferdinand’s hope of seizing wealth from the accused, which led him to do the same. While such an analysis is somewhat simplistic, it must be acknowledged that motivations other than the religious drove on the Inquisition. As noted above, many of the leading noble families had Jewish blood, and the monarchs surely realised that they could strengthen their hold over the lords of Spain by holding over them the threat of referral to the Inquisition. Such a threat was particularly acute for the landed magnates of the realm, given that when a person was accused by the Inquisition, their property was confiscated almost immediately. Reports from the Inquisitors confirmed the fears of the monarchs that converts were slipping back towards their former faith, and by 1492, Ferdinand and Isabella seem to have concluded that segregation of Jews and non-Jews had failed. The timing of the expulsion edict, within months of the fall of Granada, can scarcely be dismissed as mere coincidence. With the defeat of the last Muslim stronghold on the Iberian peninsula, ‘the urge toward complete religious unity of the kingdom was reinforced’ (Encyclopaedia Judaica). As Peters puts it, the ‘emotional Christian triumphalism’ which followed from victory over Granada, was crucial (19). The Muslims were no longer a threat to the integrity of the Christian kingdoms on the peninsula. In the past, Jews and Muslims had sometimes worked in alliance. Due to their past collaborations, Jews were viewed with some suspicion by the royal authorities, a feeling enhanced by the general belief that many Jewish conversions to Christianity had been insincere. The conquest of Granada had also placed a much larger Jewish population under Christian control, which seems to have forced the issue. The final dissolution of Muslim-administered Iberia seems to have provided the ideal opportunity for Ferdinand and Isabella to seek a solution to the problems raised by Inquisition reports that Jewish converts could never be secure in the Christian faith while they continued to mix with the unconverted. The financial needs of the monarchy and the triumphalism and Christian confidence which resulted from the successful completion of the Reconquista can only partly explain the decision to issue an edict of expulsion. The religious zeal of Isabella and Ferdinand, encouraged by reports from the Inquisition, do seem to have acted as the driving force behind the measure. This was certainly the perception of many contemporaries. It was reported by several Jewish writers, for example, including an Italian Jew writing in 1495, that when Isabella and Ferdinand had nearly decided to revoke the edict after offers of payment from leading Jewish figures, they were persuaded to let the edict stand by Torquemada (Marcus, 53). He reportedly threw down a crucifix before the monarchs and cried, ‘Judas Iscariot sold his master for thirty pieces of silver. Your Highness would sell him for thirty thousand. Here he is, take him and barter him away’ (Marcus, 53). That practical considerations alone are not enough to explain the decree is clear from the fact that Don Isaac Abravanel, a member of one of the oldest Iberian Jewish families, offered the monarchs the huge sum of 600,000 crowns to revoke the edict. It was their religious zeal that caused Ferdinand and Isabella to reject this attractive proposition. Isabella’s zeal is obvious in the reply she gave to this emotional injunction. She gave an answer drawn from a saying attributed to the following saying of King Solomon: ‘The Lord controls the mind of a king as easily as he directs the course of a stream’ (Proverbs, 21:1). The text of the Edict of Expulsion, and the justifications and reasoning it lays out, support the notion that it was Ferdinand and Isabella who pushed forward the measure, but that they were encouraged by reports from the Inquisition that converted Jews were slipping back into heresy, and by victory over Granada. The Edict itself was issued in Granada on March 31, 1492, but took some time to spread across the kingdoms. It was only published in Saragossa on the 29 April, and not in Barcelona until 1 May. It ordered all Jews to leave by the last day of July. The monarchs clearly state that the reason for its introduction was the continuing suspicion that converts were being tempted back to Judaism by remaining Jews. They assert that they had first attempted segregation: ‘in the Cortes which we held in the city of Toledo in the past year of one thousand, four hundred and eighty, we ordered the segregation of the said jews in all the cities, towns, and villages’ (Peters, 25). However, Ferdinand and Isabella were unfortunately able to report, that despite their best efforts at segregating Jewish and non-Jewish populations, ‘to the great injury, detriment, and opprobrium of our holy Catholic faith’ interaction between the groups continued (Peters, 25). They had therefore come to the conclusion that ‘unless the principal cause of it be removed, which is to banish the said Jews from our kingdoms’, the converts could not be considered secure in their Christian faith (Peters, 26). While we have established the key role played by Ferdinand and Isabella in the edict of expulsion, we may want to consider whether it was as significant a measure as has often been assumed. There is considerable controversy over the numbers driven out, and the effects of the expulsion edict on the economy and society of Spain and of other European and Near Eastern states. There was certainly a huge diaspora over Europe and the Near East, and the Ottoman Sultan even sent a fleet to assist the evacuation. Generally, figures have varied from around 150,000 to 400,000, and some even higher still. Norwich puts the number of exiles at over 100,000 (241). More recent work has proposed lower figures for the actual number who left Spain, sometimes below 80,000. Many converted in order to remain in Spain, including the chief rabbi of Castile, Abraham Seneor. Kamen has gone so far as to suggest that, despite the opinions given by contemporary chroniclers, in the period 1492-1499, ‘only a minority actually left Spain’ (39). He takes into account not only those who converted, but also those who returned to Spain shortly after leaving. A large number of those who initially left Spain went to neighbouring Portugal, and many of these later chose to return and convert, partly due to Portuguese intolerance of Jews from 1497 onwards. For example, around half of those who left Torrelaguna, north of Madrid, later returned. The case of Francisco del Aguila of Atienza might be typical of many. He converted just before leaving Castile for Portugal in 1492, but by November he had returned to Atienza, where his property was restored to him by royal command (Kamen, 43). Ferdinand and Isabella seem to have been willing to welcome back exiles who had since converted. Indeed, Kamen states that the ‘had always emphasized conversions rather than expulsion’ (42). It is clear that Ferdinand and Isabella hold the greatest responsibility for the expulsion edict. They were driven towards it by their notoriously zealous approach to government, as had already been illustrated by their invitation to the Inquisition. That they must be considered responsible is shown clearly by the fact that no such measure had been implemented before, even when anti-Semitic feeling was running high, such as in 1391. It took the Catholic Kings, influenced by reports from Inquisitors, and also the removal of the Muslim threat, to move for expulsion. The edict of expulsion is generally held to have had enormous effects on the economic and intellectual life of Spain, with some historians even positing theories which suggest an almost inexorable economic decline after the expulsion. The decree of expulsion was only formally revoked on the 16 December 1968, following the Second Vatican Council. Works Cited Altabé, D. F. “The Significance of 1492 to the Jews and Muslims of Spain”. Hispania 75.3 (1992): 728-731. Print. Hauben, P. J. Rev. of The End of Days: A Story of Tolerance, Tyranny, and the Expulsion of the Jews from Spain by Paris, E. Journal of Church and State (1995): 336-337. Kamen, H. “The Mediterranean and the Expulsion of Spanish Jews in 1492”. Past & Present 119 (1988): 30-55. Marcus, J. The Jews in the Medieval World: A Sourcebook. New York: JPS, 1938. Print. Norwich, J. J. The Middle Sea: A History of the Mediterranean. London: Chatto & Windus, 2006. Print. Peters, E. “Jewish History and Gentile Memory: The Expulsion of 1492”. Jewish History 9.1 (1995): 9-34. Good News Bible. Glasgow: The Bible Societies/HarperCollins, 1994. Print. “Spain”. Encyclopaedia Judaica. 1st ed. 1972. Print. Read More