Social Divisions Issues - Essay Example

Social Divisions In a world characterized by small communities relatively isolated from one another by geography and time, life tends to operate according to relatively well-defined social expectations. Within these types of communities, social divisions typically assign men to the external public life and household administrator while women are most often assigned to the duties of the home, the private sphere of the family and the one largely in charge of the children, particularly young children. These clear divisions comprised a major part of life more than 50 years ago as each individual member of the community tended to judge themselves and others by how well they lived up to these expectations during what was considered the ‘golden age’ of community and society. These concepts were widely explored by social philosophers such as Max Weber (1864-1920) and Michel Foucault (1926-1984) as being integral elements of personality development and the structures by which modern society manages to function. Their theories provide a context by which change within the female gender identity over the past 50 years can be discussed. The changes within this single demographic demonstrate how globalization has significantly worn away at the sharp divisions between social groups that once were so formidable, introducing a great deal of uncertainly and confusion in its wake. As this study will demonstrate, social divisions are now much less significant than they were fifty years ago by tracing through these various elements. The so-called ‘golden age’ of modern society occurred as society became settled into expected roles and outcomes. As the country made its way into the new modernized age, the wealthier classes set the standard for acceptable living. Men were expected to hold respectable jobs in the city often working for the same company all of their lives. Loyalty and devotion to the corporation were often rewarded with lifetime support. They would go into work in the mornings, come home in the evenings, and expect to find their families clean and ready for them. Examining the letters and diaries left behind, Welter and others hypothesized that it became necessary for women to uphold the traditional ideologies the family had held dear while in a rural setting, thereby restricting them to a single idealized image of what embodies the True Woman. “The nineteenth-century American man was … at work long hours in a materialistic society. The religious values of his forebears were neglected in practice if not in intent, and he occasionally felt some guilt that he had turned this new land, this temple of the chosen people, into one vast countinghouse. But he could salve his conscience by reflecting that he had left behind a hostage, not only to fortune, but to all the values which he held so dear and treated so lightly. Woman, in the cult of True Womanhood … was the hostage in the home” (Welter 1966 p. 21). Women were expected to uphold the concepts of religious tradition, provide the image of purity and goodness and give their children an example of perfect submission and obedience. With these boundaries in place, a perfect world was created in which men were free to explore their interests and abilities for the betterment of their families while women were safely tucked away in the home ensuring that the children were given appropriate training, adhered to the expected religious traditions and ensuring that the family remained close. From the Weberian perspective, classification of social status, or class stature, is the result of the equal or unequal distributions of material goods and employment opportunities. Property ownership and the lack of create class division. Unemployment issues are connected to and follow the unequal distribution of property. “What Weber called ‘class situations’ exist wherever property and employment relations generate specific capacities or powers to acquire income and assets and so to enhance or diminish life chances” (Weber 1914). Weberian theorists argue that it is possible to speak of social classes as separate from a purely economic class position. “A social class is a demographic cluster of households whose members owe their life chances principally to the specific property ownership or employment relations that constitute their class situations” (Weber 1914). A neo-Weberian approach to class analysis goes further than its predecessor. It supports a class ideology based on the many dimensions of labour markets and production elements that are vital for the dispersal of life chances. They study the significance of class by the numerous explanations of the variations of life chances, “particularly in comparison with other bases of social inequality such as ethnic group membership, gender, and so on. And of course such an inquiry can be extended to make comparisons in the strength of class effects between countries and through time” (Breen 2004). The link between what starting block the post industrial class as opposed to the underclass began at may be contingent on other circumstances and variations in life when considering class position. A poor poet or cellist may be considered of a high social stature for example. To a Neo-Weberian, there may or may not be solid justification for the relationship between cash and class. Foucault’s theories essentially claim that the forms of control over other human beings from the past have morphed from one in which activities and products were controlled into a system in which the body itself has been invaded and is now the subject of direct control. The system as it exists now attempts to control every element of the body as it courses through a day, turning the body itself into a machine (Foucault, 1980). The argument is presented through the provision of numerous examples of how the various social systems currently in existence work to reinforce the sort of consistent bodily control that such a structure would require for any degree of effectiveness. This begins within the school setting, which continues to be brought forward throughout as an example of the earliest and relatively invasive form of control as students are ordered according to what the system expects of them given their own inherent abilities, parental wealth and other external elements. This is also carried forward into the military, where every motion of the body is precisely detailed through a given exercise and is expected to be followed to the letter. Finally, the concept of the Panopticon is presented as the ultimate in mind and body control through a sense of hyper-surveillance. Within these social systems, the ideological middle class woman, whether she worked or not, was socially conditioned to confine herself within the private sphere but with the increased globalization, this was about to change. As more and more women entered the workforce and gained the ability not only to earn their own money but also to determine where they wished to spend it, retailers began to recognize a new market. While women found it increasingly necessary to signal to others their social class through their clothing and jewelry, retailers exploited this need by building on women’s fears. “The high point of the nineteenth century shopping revolution was the creation of the department store. Like the arcades, the boulevard and the café, this was an environment half-public, half-private, and it was a space that women were able to inhabit comfortably” (Wilson, 1992). This liberalism gave rise to sensual identification and increased sexuality in women. The availability of interesting, acceptable public destinations invited women from all social classes to mix and share ideas. The cinema and the exhibition hall also provided acceptable spaces for women in the public sphere. The ability to share ideas gave women a stronger role in the decision-making process at the same time that increasing demands dictated that more women must enter the marketplace to support themselves. This confusing world of shifting roles and expectations has only become more complex with the increase of globalization. Changes in the way in which organizations conduct business have been rapid and wide-spread as the globalization process spreads. It is the nature of capitalism to increase efficiency by working to produce the greatest number of products with the least expenditure of resources, including workforce and wages. As a result, many corporations outsource their activities and production processes to less developed countries where wages are lower. “Global markets offer greater opportunity for people to tap into more and larger markets around the world. It means that they can have access to more capital flows, technology, cheaper imports and larger export markets” (International Monetary Fund Staff 2002). Instead of increasing individual freedom and spreading democracy, “in practice, this has meant that the governments of the advanced capitalist countries, along with the I.M.F., the World Bank, and the W.T.O., have increasingly sought to force other nations to adopt market economies, privatize public companies and resources, abandon labor and environmental regulations, reduce social services, and embrace ‘free trade’ and the free movement of transnational capital” (Smith 2002). Larger companies gain greater power and smaller companies experience greater and greater difficulty competing. As a result of these changes, society is now much less rigidly controlled, uncertainty predominates and the poorer classes are again finding it difficult to achieve a means of asserting equality. Only 50 years ago, social divisions were clearly defined and contributed greatly to a person’s position in society, but changes arising from globalization efforts have led to a situation in which these divisions are much less significant. Beginning in an age when social roles were clearly defined by economic class and gender, the effects of industrialization and increasing elements of globalization and urbanization have led to changing social roles. Women, once confined to the house and largely under the control of men, have now become fully autonomous individuals in the globalized society, equally as capable of achieving financial, professional and domestic success. This was equally true as more and more individuals were able to enter the business sector as a means of earning money. Although it might have seemed reasonable to expect that increased globalization would provide individuals with even greater opportunity, the reality is that larger corporations are now able to bring in greater resources, going to third world countries for lower prices and cheaper labor and are thus able to drive smaller businesses out of the marketplace. While social divisions are now much less significant, there are nevertheless new and shifting boundaries evident in the new world that remains highly uncertain and poorly understood. Works Cited Breen, R. “Foundations of a Neo-Weberian Class Analysis.” Approaches to Class Analysis. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004. Foucault, Michel. Power/Knowledge: Selected Interviews and Other Writings, 1972-1977. Colin Gordon (Ed.). New York: Pantheon Books, 1980. International Monetary Fund Staff. “Globalization: Threat or Opportunity.” International Monetary Fund. (January 2002). June 5, 2009 Smith, David Michael. “The Growing Revolt Against Globalization.” Impact Press. (August/September 2002). June 5, 2009 Weber, M. “The Distribution of Power Within the Political Community: Class, Status, Party.” Economy and Society. Ed. G. Roth and C. Wittich. New York: Bedminster Press, 1914 (reprinted 1968). Welter, Barbara. “The Cult of True Womanhood: 1820-1860.” American Quarterly. Vol. 18, N. 2, P. 1. 1966, pp. 151-74. Wilson, Elizabeth. The Sphinx in the City: Urban Life, the Control of Disorder and Women. University of California, 1992. Read More