FARC - Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia - Essay Example

FARC Introduction The Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarios de Colombia (FARC) is one of the largest and most well organized rebel military forces operating in the world today. Based in Columbia, South America it has reached a global level of influence through its worldwide cooperation with other terrorist groups around the world. Though the organization was started as a militant human rights organization that had the purpose of fighting for the rights of landless peasants, they have since become more violent and have expanded their sphere of operations. The FBI, CIA, State Department, and United Nations all agree that to attain the label of terrorist they must target the civilian population (Beres n.d.). It may be an individual, a group, an organization, or a country that funds and advocates terrorism. Terrorism must use misappropriated violence or the threat of violence against the civilian populace to alarm or intimidate a government. The Unites States Department of Defense further defines terrorism as, "...violence against persons or property to intimidate or coerce a government, the civilian population, or any segment thereof, in furtherance of political or social objectives" (Beres n.d.). The activities of FARC in recent decades have seen the graduation from a rebel army fighting a right wing government to an organization that routinely attacks civilian targets and uses violence indiscriminately. A study of the history and structure of FARC can illustrate the strategic changes an organization can go through when faced with frustration in the political arena. Historical Background FARC, commonly referred to as the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, saw its beginnings in 1948 during the period in Colombia known as La Violencia (The Violence) which lasted from 1948 until 1958 (Garcia, 2002). The Violence was initiated by the assassination of the progressive liberal presidential candidate George Eliecer Gaitan, a leader who had taken up the cause of the landless peasants in Columbia. La Violencia was a ten-year struggle between liberals that demanded land reform and redistribution of property and the conservative landowners and miners. The landless peasants grouped together in self defense units located in the Independent Republics, pro-Communist areas in Southern Columbia. These defense units would battle against paramilitary peasants formed by the landowning elite. After 10 years of brutal fighting as many as 200,00 people were killed. The Violence ended in 1958 when liberal and conservative forces agreed to an end to hostilities and agreed to a power sharing form of government. That same year, Richard Poole of the US State Department first recognized the existence of FARC. In a foreign service dispatch dated June 12 Poole writes, "CAS [CIA Covert Action Staff] here reported the formation of the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (FARC) a guerrilla organization with Communist ties [...] It is obvious that the Communists hope to gain control of the organized guerrilla movement and have penetrated some units" (1958, p.4). In 1964, an estimated 16,000 soldiers of the new governments army attacked the "Independent Republics" by land and by air. According to Garcia (2002) "...most of the camps had already been abandoned and the guerrilla members had taken refuge in the mountains of southern Colombia". In 1964 FARC was formally established as the military wing of the Colombian Communist Party. Based on Marxist ideology, it has remained under the leadership of Pedro Antonio Marin, a.k.a. Manuel Marulanda. According to the Memorial Institute for the Prevention of Terrorism, "A significant portion of the FARCs leadership, including FARC chief Manuel Marulanda, have been part of the organization since its founding and are presumably still dedicated to its Marxist ideology" (MIPT Terrorism, 2007). Though The Violence officially ended in 1958, FARC has continued an armed struggle that has often been violent and aimed at civilian targets that have terrorist value such as kidnappings, narcotics trade, and extortion. Though the civil war in Columbia and The Violence has been attributed to a Marxist struggle between the landless peasants and the elite landowners, the roots are much deeper than that. Industrialization, financial reform, and agrarian policies of the 1930s paved the way toward the coming violence. Economic disparity and the struggle between the landowners and the peasants began to become an issue after several decades of political calm. Land tenants began demanding better working conditions and indigenous Indians demanded restitution for the confiscation of their communal lands (Collier & Sambanis, 2005, p.120). The liberal party lost power in 1946 and the 1948 assassination of their candidate, Jorge Eliécer Gaitan, threw the nation into civil unrest that resulted in a decade long war. Group Ideology and Goals FARCs primary agenda is for complete territorial control of Colombia. They currently control an area known as a safe haven that is approximately 42,000 square miles. Estimates of FARCs strength ranges from 12,000 to 18.000 active soldiers. There are thousands more sympathizers and supporters. The ideology of the FARC is dedicated to the Marxist premise of economic equality. In a rare interview conducted in January 1999 with the Colombian magazine "Semana," FARC chief Manuel Marulanda said: "We cannot allow our people to continue dying of hunger, without a home, without a car, without a roof over their heads, without education without health, while others have huge buildings filled with dollars. No. That must be changed. It will not be easy because the confrontation will be with a state that has given nothing and wants to give nothing" (as cited in FARC leader Manuel Marulanda). While this ideology is based on economic equality and human rights, the organization has been accused of exploiting their popularity to become more active in the narcotics trade. In addition, they have been accused of murdering and kidnapping innocent civilians, which would place them as an international terrorist organization. The question is an integral part of the Marxist philosophy that promotes violence as a legitimate means to a justified end. The FARC openly avows the use of violence to accomplish their goals. The FARC website which publishes its doctrines and manifestos has stated under the heading "Belligerence" that they are a,"... political movement which develops its action in the ideological, political, organizational, propagandistic and in battalions of guerrilla fighters. These conform the tactic of combining all these forms of struggle of the masses to gain power for the people" (Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia). Their original goals of economic equality and land redistribution have been skewed in recent years by their involvement in an increasing level of kidnappings, violence, and implicit participation in the narcotics trade. This places FARC in the area of neither fighting for ideology or political power. According to Cragin & Daly (2004), "This involvement confounds the role that ideology plays for FARC, and it becomes difficult to tell if FARC members support the objectives of the group or the drug economy. So far, FARC has not faced a substantial conflict of interests between these two factors, but the issue of drugs may eventually erode its ideological base" (p.31). The propensity to finance the war against injustice may run headlong into complicity with the injustice. To counter the tactics and the reform efforts of FARC, the conservative opposition formed paramilitary units in 1981 that consisted of peasants organized in the rural areas to combat the FARC rebel forces (Dudley, 2004, p.42). Organized under the direction of General Ferenando Landazabal these local bands of peasants were financed by local ranchers and businessmen. Their targets were not only the FARC forces, but also any communist sympathizers that may hold any allegiance to FARC. Though initially formed to combat what they perceived as terrorism, their tactics and strategies placed them in the category of terrorists themselves. General Landazabal was a staunch anti-Communist that had been trained by the US Government, was a veteran of the Korean War, and had been schooled in counter-insurgency tactics. His paramilitary units took on fearsome names such as Death to Kidnappers and Black Faces (Dudley, 2004, p.42). These death squads, purported to be for defense, were far more viscous than FARC. In 1983 Amnesty International reported more than 800 executions in the Middle Magdalena Valley at the hands of Landazabals paramilitary squads (Dudley, 2004, p. 42). In 1982, the FARC under the leadership of Jacobo Arenas began to change the face of the group from a rebel guerrilla unit to a peoples army. Also in 1982, the newly elected Betancur administration offered political amnesty in exchange for the M-19s agreement to a cease-fire. M-19 at the time was the second largest guerrilla group operating in Columbia. Though M-19 was not officially affiliated with FARC, they did share some ideological concerns. Capitalizing on Betancurs willingness to negotiate a peace agreement and in an effort to head off the increasing level of violence, FARC formed the Unión Patriótica (UP) in 1985 as the political party to represent the social efforts of FARC. In July 1984, government officials and guerrilla leaders signed a cease-fire agreement at Corinto. They entered into peace talks with the conservative party of Belisario Betancur and agreed to a cease-fire. The UP had successfully negotiated a cease fire agreement, but by the summer of 1985 its officials and candidates were routinely being harassed by the army and police. On September 28, UP militant Herna Dionisiso was dragged from his home, beaten by paramilitaries, and shot in front of his family (Dudley, 2004, p.80). This was the beginning of a long and violent campaign against any political aspirations that the UP may have had. Their offices were bombed on several occasions. There were numerous assassination threats as the November date for the UP National Convention neared. Police raided the offices of Voz, the communist party newspaper in October. In November UP announced their candidate for president, FARC commander Jacobo Arenas. The nomination of Arenas drew immediate fire from the conservative opposition. There were accusations that the UP was simply a front for the aggressive forces of FARC. Fernando Landazabal, now retired, called the UP candidates legitimate military targets (Dudley, 2004, p.81). In an interview on a leading radio station the retired General warned, "If the next government doesnt take the necessary means to apply its authority and continues to cede political power to the subversives, the country is going to enter a more generalized conflict" (Dudley, 2004, p.81). On November 6, 1985, M-19 forces attacked the Palace of Justice in Bogota. Military forces staged an attack on the palace the next day, killing all the M-19 rebels, 11 Supreme Court judges, and over 100 others. This left the government in complete disarray and ended any hopes of a legitimate Arenas or UP candidacy for the office of president. Further attempts at peaceful negotiations have failed due to lack of trust among the parties and the United Nations Refugee Agency estimates that since 1998 more than 800,000 people have been displaced by guerrilla warfare in Columbia (Stone & Stone, 2003, p.255). State sanctioned paramilitary groups continue to operate even within the FARC zone. Organizational Structure and Support FARC is organized in a typical military hierarchy with a strict chain of command organized in almost 70 fronts or regional blocs plus mobile columns and urban militias. The group operates freely in about 50% of country, usually in "sparsely populated areas, rural zones, jungles and plains, and rarely in significant population centers" (Information about the combatants, 2004). A substantial number of the FARCs leadership, including FARC chief Manuel Marulanda, have been part of the organization since its inception and are still dedicated to its Marxist ideology. In recent years several members of FARC and M-19 have demobilized and joined the social democratic party in an effort to become more mainstream. However, FARC Commander Raul Reyes said in a recent interview, "These people have accepted the establishment, the State, because they calculate, and it’s a miscalculation, that they will be able to attract the revolutionary left. But it so happens that the revolutionary left cannot be attracted to the social democrats because we are conscious that social democrats end up favoring the right, the bourgeoisie" (cited in Leech, 2007). After 50 years of armed struggle against the state and paramilitary forces, FARC is still dedicated to their original hard-line Marxist socialist ideology. FARC uses a variety of illegal activities to further their Marxist agenda. FARC official policy is an anti-drug policy and the Eighth National Guerrilla Conference of the FARC-EP, held in April 1993 stated in Section 2, Article 43 under "actions that are penalized" to include "The consumption of drugs" and "Any activity, which goes against the revolutionary morality, the healthy customs or that lowers the opinion of the FARC-EP before the masses" (Belligerence, 1993). However, since the death of Jacobo Arenas in 1990 FARC has been less reluctant to violate their ideological ethics and by the mid 1990s had become much more active in the narcotics trade which is estimated to exceed $700 million per year (Stone & Stone, 2003, p.233). This heavy involvement in the narcotics trade has made FARC a target of US foreign policy, as the lines between terrorist and organized crime become less clear. Other criminal activities used by FARC to finance their guerrilla war are kidnapping, ransom, and extortion. According to Human Rights Watch, an international monitoring group, FARC kidnapped 840 people in 2001 (Vivanco, 2002). In the last decade more than 23,000 victims have been kidnapped by right wing paramilitary groups and leftist organizations. Though these victims were largely civilians, FARC has focused more on political kidnappings in recent years. "Among those being held by the FARC are former presidential candidate Ingrid Betancourt and three U.S. defense contractors" (Muse, 2007). Recently 11 lawmakers were murdered while in the hands of FARC. According to FARC, "...the lawmakers died June 18 when an "unidentified military group" attacked the camp where they were being held" (Muse, 2007). In July 2007 more than a million Colombians turned out in Bogota to protest the recent escalation in the wave of kidnappings. To expand their army, FARC uses a variety of recruitment methods. They appeal to leftist idealists as well as disenfranchised peasants. Most of these recruits have often joined the movement based on political ideology. Between 1984 and 1988, the years that the political arm UP had gained popularity, FARC was able to double its size (Dudely, 2004, p.94). Most of these recruits had joined the movement in hopes of reaching a process for peace and reconciliation. However, in recent years FARC has called upon younger recruits to fill their ranks. In addition to the regular ranks of FARC there is evidence that FARC is acting in cooperation with other international terrorist and criminal organizations. In 2002 three IRA operatives were captured in Columbia working with FARC. According to the US State Department, "We have also seen a jump in sophistication in the use of explosives and other urban terror tactics that are similar to those employed by the IRA" (Wong, 2002). The drug trade from FARC also puts them in contact with other international organizations. Since the end of the Cold War, they have continued to receive support from sympathetic socialist regimes in Cuba and Venezuela. Though they have traditionally limited their assault capability to improvised explosives and automatic rifles, there is recent evidence that they are attempting to acquire surface to air missiles (Cragin & Daly, 2004, p.43). They also work closely with leftist groups in Mexico, Peru, and Ecuador. In addition, there are recent reports that the FARC has traded cocaine for weapons from the Russian Mafia (Stone & Stone, 2003, p.234). These included small arms, ammunition, and anti-aircraft missiles. Analysis Though the United States has fought a war on drugs in Columbia since the 1980s, it has been focused on the leftist organizations. While the right wing paramilitary units are also heavily involved with the narcotics trade, they have been less of a target. The true war on drugs has been a front for the war on communism. In the last six years the United States has spent $4.5 billion dollars fighting drugs in Columbia. FARC has maintained that the government is involved with drug trafficking and had overlooked the activities of the right wing because they are an extension of the state (Leech, 2007). In 2002 the US Congress lifted restrictions on Columbias use of appropriations allowing them to use the money to go beyond the war on drugs and into the war on terrorism. Rep. James P. McGovern (D.-Mass.), the bills sponsor, commented, "There are widespread indications that the violent right-wing paramilitaries that are responsible for so many of the human rights abuses in Colombia are acts ally supporting the Uribe campaign" (as cited in House rejects restrictions, 2002). There is little support within Columbia to fight the pervasive drug trade. However, there is an effort on the part of the US and Columbia to limit the effectiveness of the left wing guerrilla groups and halt their terrorist capabilities. FARC will continue to be a threat on into the foreseeable future. Their propensity to generate large amounts of cash for weapons will remain problematic for the region. Even more troubling is their cooperation with other terror organizations. There is evidence that they are dealing in the narcotics trade with Hezbollah and possibly other Islamic extremist groups (Pham & Krauss, 2006). If FARC begins to cooperate with other narco-terrorist organizations such as the Taliban, they could form a multi-billion dollar organization that could operate globally. However, it needs to be noted that as Representative McGovern said, most of the violence in Columbia is a product of the right wing militias. This issue needs to be addressed before any meaningful disarming of FARC can take place. Conclusion FARC is the oldest and most well established guerrilla organization in the world. With numbers that approach 18,000 armed combatants it is a formidable force. Though it is based in Marxist ideology, their goals are territorial and control of Columbia. Their ideology is secondary to their financial endeavors, as they have routinely violated their own ethical code by their involvement with the narcotics trade and kidnappings. Their ability to generate large amounts of cash and cooperation with other international terrorist groups makes them especially troublesome. They are well armed and can move freely within the hemisphere. The peaceful future of Columbia will be dependent on the immobilization of FARC. However, FARC will not disarm or enter into a peace agreement as long as the state silently supports the right wing militias. It is incumbent upon the US administration to pressure the Colombian government to halt the use of right wing paramilitaries that terrorize left wing sympathizers. References Belligerence (1993, April). Retrieved August 10, 2007, from http://www.mondofariano.org/pagina_ingles/index.html Beres, L. R. (n.d.). The meaning of terrorism. Retrieved Aug 7, 2007, from http://web.ics.purdue.edu/~lberes/terroris.html Collier, P., & Sambanis, N. (2005). Understanding civil war Volume 1, Europe, Central Asia, and other regions / : Evidence and analysis (Vol. 1). Washington, DC: World Bank. Cragin, K., & Daly, S. (2004). The dynamic terrorist threat : An assessment of group motivations and capabilities in a changing world . Santa Monica, CA: RAND. Dudley, S. S. (2004). Walking ghosts : Murder and guerrilla politics in Colombia . New York: Taylor & Francis. FARC leader Manuel Marulanda (n.d.). Retrieved August 9, 2007, from http://www.cnn.com/interactive/specials/0008/colombia.key/sureshot.html Garcia, V. (2002, May 7). In the spotlight: Revolutionary Armed Forces of Columbia. Retrieved August 9, 2007, from http://www.cdi.org/terrorism/farc.cfm House rejects restrictions on U.S. aid to Columbia. (2002, June 3). Human Events. Information about the combatants (2004, December 5). Retrieved August 10, 2007, from http://www.ciponline.org/colombia/infocombat.htm#FARC Leech, G. (2007). Interview with FARC Commander Raul Reyes. Columbia Journal Online. Retrieved August 10, 2007, from http://www.colombiajournal.org/colombia259.htm MIPT Terrorism (2007, July 1). Retrieved August 9, 2007, from http://www.tkb.org/Group.jsp?groupID=96 Muse, T. (2007, July 7). A million Colombians protest kidnappings. Turkish Daily News. Retrieved August 10, 2007, from http://www.turkishdailynews.com.tr/article.php?enewsid=77757 Pham, P., & Krauss, M. (2006, December 4). Franchising Jihad. TCS Daily. Retrieved August 10, 2007, from http://www.tcsdaily.com/article.aspx?id=112906A Poole, R. (1958, June 12). Foreign Service Despatch. Retrieved August 10, 2007, from http://www.icdc.com/~paulwolf/colombia/farc12june1958.htm Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (n.d.). Retrieved August 9, 2007, from http://www.mondofariano.org/pagina_ingles/index.html Stone, J., & Stone, A. (2003). The drug dilemma : Responding to a growing crisis. New York: International Debate Education Association. Vivanco, J. M. (2002, April 15). Colombia: Letter to rebel leader demands release of kidnapped political figures. Retrieved August 10, 2007, from http://hrw.org/press/2002/04/farc-0415-ltr.htm Wong, M. (2002, April 24). The IRA in Columbia: The global links of international terrorism. Retrieved August 10, 2007, from http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/library/congress/2002_hr/wong0424.htm Read More