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Polygyny: Cultural Comparison - Essay Example

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The paper "Polygyny: Cultural Comparison" highlights that in Islamic cultures, the power of getting a second wife is left to the male, and in most cases, the wife has little or no choice in the matter. Jealousy and competition among co-wives are common and have become problematic…
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Polygyny: Cultural Comparison
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John Doe Prof. Richard Roe Anthropology 101 24 April 2006 Polygyny: A Cultural Comparison By simple definition, polygyny is described as the most common form of polygamy, wherein a male simultaneously has more than one female sexual partner. This definition is seen opposed to polyandry, wherein a female has more than one male sexual partner. Historically it has been practiced in a number of cultures and societies, most commonly in Africa and the Middle East. The purpose of this paper is to compare and contrast three cultures that practice polygyny, namely a Palestinian Tribe in the Middle East, the Bajakunda Tribe in Gambia and the Navajo Indian Tribe in the United States. Most Islamic nations have culturally popularized the practice of polygyny. As an Islamic scholar, Abel Oman stated thus: Polygyny in Islam is notorious not because of its relevance but because of its possibility. Certainly the license to marry more than one wife has been grossly abused by some Muslims who did not appreciate it as a conditional permission. Even with that abuse its occurrence is no more than three per cent (3%) and with the increasing education of women and reformed understanding of the real Islam, polygyny is on the decline. (p. 19) Ethnologist Hilma Granqvist, who has been renowned as a pioneer in studies of culture in Palestine described the practice as: In a society where religion and custom place no obstacles in the way of polygyny it is very easy for people to give reasons for the desirability of or even the necessity for polygyny. (p. 208) The social structure in Palestine is divided into three main categories: The social structure of the Palestinian society is determined by the family with the Hamula (a "clan" of extended families related through a common ancestor and carrying the same family name), forming the largest unit. Traditionally, family clans had common land and mutual responsibilities who resolved their own conflicts. The second unit is the extended family comprising three generations in one household and usually consisting of the male family head, his wife, their unmarried children, and their married sons with their own families. They often build a social and economic community, occupying one dwelling. The third and smallest unit, the nuclear family, a two-generation household consisting of the married couple and their children, was traditionally less significant but, if the financial situation allows it, is increasingly common today. (Palestinian Academic Society for the Study of International Affairs, 2001.) As discussed by Granqvist, the situation in Palestine is mainly a culturally filial one. The husband is allowed by law and religion to take on a second wife, with the condition that he can adequately provide the time, support and attention for the second wife and the first wife and the family. However, there can be a myriad of situations or reasons that would induce the Palestinian male in the practice of polygyny thus: Perhaps through a cousin marriage he has a wife much older than he himself is, or his parents chose in his youth a bride for him and now that he is older and has the means for a second marriage or a daughter to exchange, he chooses a new wife according to his own taste. So for example did Ali who exchanged his daughter for a second wife--young, beautiful and clever. Or a man has tired of his wife and desires a change. To have several wives is further a sign of power and wealth. A man is proud to show that he has the means. A "secondary" motive may also be vanity and the flattery of neighbours and villagers and persons who may have some advantage from it, as was clearly seen in Saleem's case. Or perhaps the man does not get on with his wife and the lack of harmony urges him to try to get a more charming or a more industrious wife. But it can also be directly regarded as a punishment for the first wife, if her husband thinks she has not behaved well. (Granqvist p.209) As observed from the quotation above, a Palestinian male may take on a second wife for a number of reasons, personal or for social status. Other than due to boredom and a wanting for a newer and better spouse, other reasons include showing off one's social status. A peculiar note is the fact that the custom allows for the trading of a daughter to another for a wife, which clearly indicates the predominance of arranged marriages in Palestine, which is one of the reasons Granqvist cited that a husband takes on another wife in the first place. In that aspect, it is a vicious cycle. However, there is also some laxity as well as acceptance on the part of the wife, as there are cases where she would be the one who would want the husband to take a second wife, such as "when the need for help in the work is so great that dislike of having a co-wife must give way, especially as it is not customary to have women servantsIt is clear that the new wife under such circumstances easily falls into the position of a servant to the first wife." (Granqvist p. 210) The social need for establishing a family is also another reason for polygyny, such as when the wife is incapable of giving birth or has only daughters, the wife has been known to be the stimulant in urging the husband in taking a second wife. (Granqvist p. 210) In another Islamic country on another continent, the Gambian culture has also been known to practice polygyny. On a field studyl to Gambia, Eric Montgomery was able to provide a research study on the Bajakunda Tribe and its marriage customs and practices. He states thus: Traditionally, marriage in West Africa is a process that occurs over a long period of time (Bledsoe and Pison 1994). Elaborate ceremonies and rituals often are performed. These rituals legitimate the union and strengthen the bonds between the extended families of the couple. Certain obligations must be fulfilled by the husband and his family, and at times by the wife and her family. (p. 65) The Gambian view of marriage is basically the same as our own, it is seen as "the family structure norm and is strongly encouraged because the ultimate goal of matrimony is to have children." (Montgomery p. 66) In fact, the Gambian culture encourages the policy of "more children, the better." Thus, if a man can't have children with his wife, the societal presumption assails his manhood. This social stigma of impotence attacks the husband and his role as a man. However, the societal view is also focused on the concept that failure to procreate is on the fault of the wife. In such a case, polygyny is the only recourse, which effectually increases the husband's chances of siring more children. As Montgomery states it, "[] there is great social pressure on men and women alike to marry and have children. This pressure often comes from other family members. For instance, many times men are encouraged by their sisters, mothers, and friends to marry a second wife." (p. 66) However, the Gambian culture also shares the problems that lie within a patriarchal society practicing polygyny. Montgomery documented the feelings of Gambian women as such: None liked the idea of sharing their husbands with another woman. They all spoke of the tension that at times is present with their co-wives because of feelings of jealousy. Despite the negative impression of polygyny that they presented, they were positive individuals and hopeful for their children's future. All believed that polygyny is an antiquated practice, and that it is becoming obsolete. They all believe that as the younger generation is educated, they will be less likely to practice polygyny. This is especially true for young women, who they believe are beginning to assert their rights, both within the Islamic faith and in all aspects of social life, including marriage. In fact, there are now many women's organizations that address many problems in Gambian society that affect women. (p. 68) As expected of a patriarchal society, as well as a commonality between Palestine and Gambia, is that the males of the society have high regard for the practice of polygyny and most believe that the ability and status of having multiple wives is a good concept. A resultant idea that stemmed from that way of thinking increased the benefits of men when they deemed that for a polygynous husband, the ability to balance two or more wives and families is a skill to be awed. Montgomery states the husband's views in the Gambian tribe as: Knowing that The Gambia is a patriarchal society, I wanted to understand if males were simply following a tradition and custom that has been a cornerstone of West African culture and society. Or, as I see it, if they simply enjoyed some of the liberties that appear more accessible to them. The majority that I spoke with did cite the traditional reasons for polygyny: the familial institution has been polygynous for hundreds of years. This is what they had experienced growing up; it carries solemn obligations and duties. Generally, they saw more benefits than disadvantages to this type of system. The benefits that they mentioned included a large family with many children, and the ability to procure children if the first wife were barren. With more children the man and his family are able to increase their wealth because of a larger labor force, at least in rural areas. Even in a more urban setting, the more children a family has increases the probability of some of the children obtaining a good education and thereby allowing the family to gain economically and socially. Perhaps just as important is that children in general are valued. Gambians like having them around, and they are seen as a blessing from Allah. Many of the men also mentioned that adultery and divorce are much less frequent when men have legitimate access to other sexual partners. When I asked them if they felt they could care for their wives equally they responded that a man must outwardly treat all his wives the same regardless of any private or personal preferences. One of the men that I interviewed summarized well the ideal of what a man should be capable of doing. He said "It takes skill to maintain peace with more than one wife!" It was clear to me from the interviews that I conducted that the men were generally in agreement with polygyny. They all seemed to believe sincerely that the ability of managing a polygynous marriage shows how much skill a man has and reveals in many ways his capabilities as a man. If done well, a polygynous marriage is fair to all parties involved. The Navajo Indians of the Western United States also have a high regard for the familty culture. A key feature that must be mentioned is that the Navajo live in a matriarchal society, which basically counters that of most other cultures. Durtschi describes the family culture thus: Family is very important to us []We have a great responsibility to our family, for without the family we as a people would have an end. Within the family everyone has an important part to play. If any members of the family doesn't fulfill his responsibility the whole family suffers [] We each have responsibilities in the family. The woman uses her nurturing side to take care of the family and the hogan. The man uses his aggressive side to provide for the physical necessities for his family. Just because the man and the woman have their own roles doesn't mean they can't do the work of the other as each person has both the male and female sides within them. It is not wrong for a man to cook, wash the dishes, change diapers, wash the kids, and so fourth if this is needed of him. The same thing holds true of the woman in doing male roles []Everyone, including children, have a responsibility to keep the home alive, well, clean and safe. (1997) Clearly there exists a strong sense of a family bond in the Navajo culture. Despite the fact that tribal law does not allow the Navajo to practice polygyny, many Navajo see the practice as morally acceptable, and the law is weakly enforced. A noteworthy feature in Navajo culture is the common practice of sororal polygyny, which is basically the marriage of a man to sisters. In Navajo, marriage to a wife's sister or classificatory sister was preferred. An extension of this pattern was stepdaughter marriage, often used by an older woman to hold a younger husband. (Aberle p. 122) Although there are instances where non-sororal polygyny is practiced, there exist problems in those households, primarily because should the wives live in separate households, the husband would have to live alternately with, and work for, two separate families. Sisters, or mother and daughter married to the same man, belonged to the same consumption unit and indeed most commonly resided in the same house. (Ibid. p. 122) These marital preference patterns seem to be reasonable accommodation to various features of Navaho social organization. They tend to alleviate certain strains in family relationships which are discussed below. Thus marriage of two brothers to two sisters provides companionship to a man in his outsider status in his wife's family. (It also creates certain strains, since men married to two sisters tend to be sexually jealous of one another, and this is at least as true of brothers as of non-kin.) Marriages of a brother and a sister to a sister and a brother unite to some degree the interests of the two families: a man whose mother asks him to work for her is then contributing to the support of his wife's brother's family, so that his own mother-in-law is presumably less concerned at the temporary loss of his services. To a lesser degree, the marriage of a set of siblings to a set of clan mates has somewhat similar effects. (Ibid. p. 122) In contrasting the social and filial relationships among these three cultures, I find that there existed a number of similarities and differences despite the fact that they are all distinct from each other culturally and geographically. The Palestinians are predominantly Islamic, so are the Gambians, however they are continents apart. Also Islam is not as popular in Africa as it is in the Middle East. The Navajo are a culture of their own, and share similarities mainly with other Indian tribes in the region. First of all, most of the concept of the practice of polygyny depends on the type of society in which it is allowed. Islam is mainly a patriarch-dominated doctrine, and this is followed in the Palestinian and Gambian cultures. It is through the patriarchal society that key concepts surrounding polygyny are seen, such as the train of thought in both Islamic cultures studied in this paper that having more wives and more children is better, and is seen as a status symbol. In most cases, the wife has little or no choice on the matter, as the husband can take on another wife for practically any reason he sees fit. The predominance of jealousy between the co-wives is seen as a problem as they are constantly fighting each other for the attention of the husband. In contrast, the matriarchal society of the Navajo clearly places emphasis on the female as the head of the family, and the practice of polygyny is merely tolerated and is neither a necessity nor a right on the part of the husband. All of these cultures strongly emphasize the need for large families. In Palestine and Gambia, the focus and function of marriage is to procreate, and the larger the family is, the better. Both of the abovementioned cultures have seen some instances where it is the wife actually egging on the husband in case she cannot adequately bear children, a sort of sacrifice for the betterment of the family and the public image of the husband. In the Navajo it is the same, as there has always been a need for large tribe to help with the various chores and duties of the Midwestern American tribal life. Roles of the husband and wife are also a commonality among the three cultures. The main role of the husband is to provide for the sustenance and welfare of the family, and to protect the family. The wife is seen more of a domestic role, staying at home taking care of the family, cooking other homemaking tasks. The duty upon the husband to equalize treatment, support and attention is also common among the three cultures. Despite the openness of Islam in polygyny, it is decreed that the husband in taking on a second wife must be able to adequately provide the needs of that wife and the resultant family, as well as the original family. This is how the societal view of a husband having more than one wife or family is seen as a social status, like power and wealth. The Navajo share the same sentiment in decreeing that the husband must balance time and support for the two wives. In contrast to the Gambians and Palestinians, however, they see it more as a problem especially if the wives decide to live in separate households. A distinction between the three cultures is the practice of sororal and cousin marriages. In Palestine and Gambia cousin marriages are permitted, and in most cases, arranged. This is not a feature known to the Navajo, yet their version of such is the sororal marriage, where the husband marries sisters as his wives, a concept very rarely seen in Islam. Gambian polygyny is not as open as that of Palestinian, despite the common Islamic heritage. In Palestine, the husband is in control and may take on a second wife for almost any reason under the sun, much to the chagrin of the wife. While in Gambia, polygyny is seen to be declining since the main reason for polygyny is really to enable the husband to have a large family. If the wife is able to rear many children, then the Gambian husband is less likely to go in search of the next wife. Difference lies in how both the husband and wife view the concept of polygyny. In the Islamic cultures as earlier stated, the power of getting a second wife is left to the male, and in most cases, the wife has little or no choice in the matter. Jealousy and competition among the co-wives is common and has become problematic. Another disparity lies in the manner in which local law treats polygyny. In Islam, it is openly accepted with the rule of balanced and equal treatment of the husband to the wives. The Navajo law, on the other hand, prohibits polygyny, but it is merely allowed and practiced because it has been culturally ingrained for centuries. Works Cited Aberle, David Friend. "" Durtschi, Al. "An Introduction to the Navajo Culture." 07 April 1997. Walton Feed, Inc. 23 April 2006. http://waltonfeed.com/peoples/navajo/culture.html#family/ Granqvist, Hilda. 1935. Marriage Conditions in a Palestinian Village, Volume II. Societas Scientirarum Fennica. (Commentationes Humanorum Litteraru, II & VI): Helsingfors, Finland. Montgomery, Eric. "Polygyny in The Gambia." Tubabs Two: From the Baobab to the Bantaba. (1998): 6 pages. 23 April 2006. . Oman, Abdel Rahim. 1992. Family Planning in the Legacy of Islam. New York: United Nations Population Fund. Palestinian Academic Society for the Study of International Affairs (PASSIA). "Palestinian Society: An Introduction." Palestinian National Authority. 08 Jan. 2001. PNA. April 23, 2006. http://www.pna.gov.ps/subject_details2.aspDocId=161 Read More
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