Background and History of the Formation of Colored Troops - Essay Example

Colored Regiments Introduction: During the early period of the Civil War, the Lincolngovernment was reluctant to allow the Negroes, whether free or runaways, to participate in the war. The society's general perceptions of the slaves, although faulty, were deeply rooted and the military and political leadership's reluctance to muster slaves into military service sprang from the fear and apprehension felt by the general public in this regard. Things, however, took a turn for the better when the government finally relented and an authorization was issued by October 1861 to "employ fugitive slaves in such services as they may be fitted for." This paper examines the history of the recruitment of colored troops. In addition, it also sheds light on the life of black soldiers during service and instances of discrimination against them including the controversial issue of payment. Background And History Of The Formation Of Colored Troops: The question of the earliest enlistment of colored troops is a tricky one with historians honoring different states as taking the earliest initiatives. The reason for this type of confusion might simply be that by the time the army and the government had mutually and formally agreed to enlist freed slaves as soldiers, many army officers had already begun to enlist and train them. By 1862, there are evidences of black recruitment practices being carried out openly by army and government officers like General Hunter, Major General Fremont and Governor John Andrews. At this time, General Butler also seized the opportunity and enlisted and trained a regiment at New Orleans, by September 1862. The first Negro regiment to be officially inducted in the army, they were called the First Louisiana Native Guards (Edgerton 27, Dawson 6-8). A vital fact worth noting is that freed slaves were enlisted in the war when almost half of it was over, despite the fact that there was no dearth of freed slaves offering their services due to abject poverty and lured by the promise of bounty (Wilson 177). In addition, there was a growing pressure from army officers who insisted that blacks should, in all fairness, be a part of war that was being fought for them and it was unjust of the government to force only the whites in it (Wilson 38, De Forest 31,). The government, however, recruited them reluctantly and after repeatedly rejecting their participation in a war that was being fought for their emancipation in the first place. The obvious reluctance of the government sprang from the fact that racial prejudices were still deeply rooted in the consciousness of the public and the government feared not only a backlash from them but worse - a fierce dissent among their own party members. This fear is voiced by many during discussions in chief newspapers of the time. As a concerned reader, RHV, wrote to the editor of New York's Weekly Anglo-African in 1861, saying that by involving blacks in military service at that time would "would only embarrass the present administration, by stirring up old party prejudices which would cause the loss of sympathy" (Qtd. in Finkenbine et al. 213) [Read complete text of the letter in Appendix] The Freed Slaves As Soldiers: If one were to read firsthand accounts of white officers who fought the Civil War with their black subordinates, it will be noticed that they have spoken highly of the qualities of the Negro soldiers. For instance, Thomas Wentworth Higginson praised his men most warmly for their intelligence, bravery, courage, fearlessness, and dedication and for their surprising readiness to accept disciplining policies as compared to their white counterparts. One characteristic of the nature of his subordinates, which Higginson considered remarkable, was that despite their lack of education and mental training they seemed to fully grasp the enormity of their task, their delicate situation as the first colored regiment and the responsibility and courage needed from them. Not one of them shirked responsibility, as Higginson proudly notes while relaying many incidents about their sense of responsibility and then juxtaposes them against the behavior of whites, for instance, their unwillingness to let Higginson enter the camp at night even with a bribe of tobacco - their chief weakness (34). They considered the uniform an honor worth protecting and took care not to act in a manner that would besmirch it, hence, camp laws such as drinking etc. were rarely, if ever, broken by them (Wilson 23). Other historians and soldiers of the war have been equally warm in their praises and many incidents of their fearlessness abound in the history of Civil War. [Statistics of black casualties provided in the Appendix] The colored troops, not only fought bravely but also learnt to conduct themselves in exemplary fashion throughout the length of their commission as is evidenced by the low number of incidents of desertion amongst blacks as compared to the high ratio of white soldiers' desertion. Most of these soldiers either enlisted in the war to provide their destitute families with the much-needed financial support, or those who had left their families in the South, considered it their duty to fight for the emancipation of the children (Wilson 177). Hence, a great majority of these soldiers revealed deep sensitivity, a quality no one had credited them with possessing. Their correspondence is a testament to this fact, as most of the letters written by the Negro soldiers are written to their military officials begging them to take measures to rescue their families bond in slavery and to protest against their unequal rate of pay and racial discrimination endured by them during service (Wilson 177). Discrimination And The Issue Of Non-Payment: Although the freed slaves were employed by the government with promises of equal stature, instances of discrimination were widespread. Instead of being given a chance to fight for their country and prove their military abilities, they were mostly assigned menial jobs and relegated to "fatigue duty" such as building bridges, making roads etc. as admitted by De Forest in a letter to his wife (50-51). Colored regiments were usually kept away from combats and allowed to participate only in minor skirmishes . Even during conflict soldiers and officers alike expressed uneasiness at being supported or flanked by black soldiers and felt that they might prove deficient in courage and military bravado when the need arises (Butler 742). This blatant victimization and exploitation of soldiers as laborers outraged a few white soldiers and officers too who complained against such treatment of their fellow soldiers. For instance, Major Daniel Densmore felt that by forcing his subordinates into this type of continual and harsh slave labor he "appeared to be enacting the role of slaveholder" (Qtd. in Wilson 39). The issue of payments to colored soldiers is, arguably, the most controversial issue in black military history of America. When the soldiers were recruited, they were promised that they would receive the standard $13 paid to white soldiers. Later on, it was decided that the colored soldiers would be paid $10 and even from that $3 would be subtracted for clothing expenses (Belz, 122) This policy, made by the upper echelons of the military and the government, was taken as an insult to the pride of the soldiers and almost one-third of negro soldiers refused to accept even the reduced pay on the grounds that the Government of the United States, for which they had fought, viewed them, despite its tall claims, inferior to the whites. This policy disillusioned not only the coloreds but also a great number of white soldiers. As Higginson wrote, "The vacillating policy of the Government sometimes filled other officers with doubt and shame; until the Negro had justice, they were but defending liberty with one hand and crushing it with the other" (Higginson, Back Matter) The folly of the leaders became doubly embarrassing for most white officers as they ended up receiving their pay on time, especially all the colonels and generals received hundred of dollars when their own leaders refused to pay a meager $7 to the courageous colored soldiers. Conclusion: The colored troops recruited by the American government proved to be loyal, dedicated and above all dignified even in the face of exploitation and insults suffered at the hands of those who claimed to be the upholders of human equality. They acquitted themselves in the most honorable fashion and despite their lack of education and proper training, proved to be a valuable asset to the Northern army. Bibliography Belz, Herman. "Race, Law and Politics in the Struggle for Equal Pay in the Civil War," In Abraham Lincoln, Constitutionalism and Equal Rights in the Civil War Era. New York: Fordham University Press, 1998. 119-137. Butler, Benj. F. Autobiography and Personal Reminiscences of Major-General Benj. F. Butler: Butler's Book. Boston: A. M. Thayer, 1892. Dawson, Joseph G. The Late 19th Century U.S. Army, 1865-1898: A Research Guide. New York: Greenwood Press, 1990. De Forest, William and Yale University: Mary Cady Tew Fund. A Volunteer's Adventures: A Union Captain's Record of the Civil War. Ed. James H. Croushore. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1946. Edgerton, Robert B. Hidden Heroism: Black Soldiers In America's Wars. Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 2001. Finkenbine, Roy E. et al. eds. Witness for Freedom: African American Voices on Race, Slavery, and Emancipation. Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1993. Higginson, Thomas Wentworth. Army Life in a Black Regiment. Kessinger Publishing, 2004. Wilson, Keith P. Campfires of Freedom: The Camp Life of Black Soldiers during the Civil War. Kent, OH: Kent State University Press, 2002. Appendix [1] Complete text of RHV's letter to the editor as published by Finkenbine et al. (pp211-215): " R. H. V."--most likely Robert H. Vandyne, a frequent New York City contributor to the Weekly Anglo-African--argued that African Americans should avoid military service until emancipation became a northern war aim. Mr. Editor: The duty of the black man at this critical epoch is a question of much importance, deeply interesting the friends of liberty, both white and black. The most imposing feature of this duty, I am told, is in relation to military organizations. This question, I am told, is forced upon us by our eminent, educated, farsighted leaders, who, anxious for our elevation and zealous for our reputation, in connection with our white brothers would have us write our names side by side with them upon the immortal book of fame, won by well-contested and desperate encounters upon the battlefield. Claiming that any omission on our part to exhibit that patriotism so noticeable in the whites, will, when history shall record the doings of this memorable country, leave our names without one deed of patriotism or expressed desire for the success of the cause of liberty. * * * Have not two centuries of cruel and unrequited servitude in this country, alone entitled the children of this generation to the rights of men and citizens Have we not done our share towards creating a national existence for those who now enjoy it to our degradation, ever devising evil for our suffering, heart-crushed race Who that will carefully note the many historical reminiscences, made mention of by those who are ready to do justice to us, can doubt our bravery Who that has heard of the many privations, hair-breadth escapes, and the unflinching determination of our enslaved brethren seeking the free shores of Canada, can doubt our love of liberty True patriotism does not consist in words alone, neither do patriotic demonstrations always contribute to the end alone, independent of material aid. I do not suppose any people have been taxed heavier or more than the poor colored people for the cause of liberty, with such small results to themselves. Now, if we have contributed our share to support and establish a government, that we are not entitled to a share in the benefits thereof, what becomes our duty when that government is menaced by those they have cherished at the expense of our blood, toil and degradation Let your own heart answer this question, and no regiments of black troops will leave their bodies to rot upon the battlefield beneath a Southern sun-to conquer a peace based upon the perpetuity of human bondage--stimulating and encouraging the inveterate prejudice that now bars our progress in the scale of elevation and education. I claim that the raising of black regiments for the war would be highly impolitic and uncalled for under the present state of affairs, knowing, as we do, the policy of the government in relation to colored men. It would show our incompetency to comprehend the nature of the differences existing between the two sections now at variance, by lending our aid to either party. By taking such measures, we invite injustice at the hands of those we prefer to serve; we would contribute to the African colonization scheme, projected a half century ago, by ridding the country of that element so dangerous to the charming institution of negro slavery. * * * [W]hat do we enjoy, that should inspire us with those feelings towards a government that would sooner consign five millions of human beings to never-ending slavery than wrong one slave master of his human property Does not the contemplation of so flagrant a wrong cause your blood to boil with Christian indignation, or bring tears to the eyes of your brokenhearted old men, whose heads, now silvered by time or bleached by sorrow, can no longer shoulder the weightier responsibilities of a young man's calling Not only that. Any public demonstration (for this could not well be done in a corner) would only embarrass the present administration, by stirring up old party prejudices which would cause the loss of both sympathy and treasure, which the government cannot well afford to lose at present. By weakening the arm of the government, we strengthen that of the slave power, who would soon march through these States without fear of forcible resistance. * * * I maintain that the principle of neutrality is the only safe one to govern us at this time. When men's lives are in their hands, and so little inducement as there is for us to cast ourselves into the breach, our work for the present lies in quite a different channel from assuming war responsibilities uninvited, with no promised future in store for us--a dilemma inviting enmity and destruction to the few, both North and South, among our people, enjoying partial freedom. The slave's only hope--his only help--is his suffering brother at the North. When we are removed, the beacon light which directs and assists the panting fugitive is darkened and obscured--his once bright hope, that gave comfort to him as he pressed on to liberty's goal, is shadowed o'er forever. Our own precipitous, unwise zeal must never be the cause to stay the car of freedom, but ever let it roll onward and upward until earth and heaven united shall become one garden of paradisal freedom, knowing no color, no clime, but all one people, one language, one Father, Almighty God. Once under army discipline, subject to the control of government officers or military leaders, could we dictate when and where the blow should be struck Could we enter upon Quixotic crusades of our own projecting, independent of the constituted authorities, or these military chiefs Will the satisfaction of again hearing a casual mention of our heroic deeds upon the field of battle, by our own children, doomed for all that we know to the same inveterate, heart-crushing prejudice that we have come up under, and die leaving as a legacy unto our issue--all from those for whom you would so unwittingly face the cannon's mouth to secure to them a heritage denied you and yours. Is this country ready and anxious to initiate a new era for downtrodden humanity, that you now so eagerly propose to make the sacrifice of thousands of our ablest men to encourage and facilitate the great work of regeneration No! no!! Your answer must be: No!!! No black regiments, unless by circumstances over which we have no option, no control; no initiatory war measures to be adopted or encouraged by us. Our policy must be neutral, ever praying for the success of that party determined to initiate first the policy of justice and equal rights. Who can say that in another twelve months' time the policy of the South will not change in our favor, if the assistance of England or France will by it be gained, rather than submit to Northern dictation or subjugation Did that idea ever suggest itself to your mind Strange things happen all the while. Look back for the last twenty-four months, and ask yourself if you could have foretold what today you are so well informed has actually transpired when coming events cast their shadows before In these days, principle is supplanted by policy, and interest shapes policy, I find by daily observation, both in high and low places. Although to many the above idea may seem idle and delusory, inconsistent with the present spirit and suicidal policy of the South, yet I for one would feel justified in entertaining it equally with the idea that the North would proclaim a general emancipation so long as she supposed it a possibility to reclaim the disaffected States of the Southern Confederacy. And, if an impossibility, what would all proclamations to that effect avail I believe with the act of emancipation adopted and proclaimed by the South, both England and France (and in fact, I might safely say, all Europe) would not only recognize their independence, but would render them indirectly material aid and sympathy. To get the start of the Northern slave-worshippers, as they are sometimes termed, who can say that, as a last resort, these rebel leaders have not had that long in contemplation, knowing that should they succumb to this government through force of circumstances, or the uncertain chances of war, their lives would be valueless only as a warning to future generations. Then, why may we not hope that such is their ultimatum in case of a series of defeats--the liberation of four millions of our poor, heart-crushed, enslaved race. One or two large battles will decide the future policy of both the contending parties--the sooner it comes, the sooner we will know our fate. It is in that scale it hangs. Then let us do our duty to each other--use care in all our public measures--be not too precipitous, but in prayer wait and watch the salvation of God. R. H. V. Weekly Anglo-African ( New York, N.Y.), 28 September 1861; BAP, 5:117-21. [2] List of casualties at different battles: Milliken's Bend: Regiment. Killed. Wounded. Total. 9th Louisiana 62 130 192 11th Louisiana 30 120 150 1st Mississippi 3 21 24 23d Iowa (white) 26 60 86 First attack on Petersburg: Regiment Killed Wounded Missing Total 4th U.S. Colored Infantry 15 110 10 135 22d U.S. Colored Infantry 14 116 8 138 Battle of the Mine/Battle of the Crater Regiment. Killed. Wounded. Missing. Total. 23rd U.S. Colored Infantry 74 115 121 310 29th U.S. Colored Infantry 21 56 47 124 31st U.S. Colored Infantry 27 42 66 135 43rd U.S. Colored Infantry 14 86 23 123 30th U.S. Colored Infantry 18 104 78 200 39th U.S. Colored Infantry 13 97 47 157 28th U.S. Colored Infantry 11 64 13 88 27th U.S. Colored Infantry 9 46 90 75 19th U.S. Colored Infantry 22 87 6 115 Total 209 697 421 1,327 Assaults on Fort Gilmer and at New Market Heights: Regiment. Killed. Wounded. Missing. Total. 6th U.S. Colored Infantry 41 160 8 209 5th U.S. Colored Infantry 28 185 23 236 4th U.S. Colored Infantry 97 137 14 178 36th U.S. Colored Infantry 21 87 -- 108 38th U.S. Colored Infantry 17 94 -- 111 Battle at Fort Blakely: Regiment. Killed. Wounded. Missing. Total. 68th U.S. Colored Infantry 10 91 -- 101 76th U.S. Colored Infantry 13 78 -- 91 Other battles in which colored troops participated: Morris Island, S.C. James Island, S.C. Liverpool Heights, Miss. Yazoo City, Miss. Pleasant Hill, La. Prairie d'Ann, Ark. Poison Springs, Ark. Camden, Ark. Jenkins' Ferry, Ark. Saline River, Ark. Fort Pillow, Tenn. Natural Bridge, Fla. Morganzia, La. Jacksonville, Fla. Brice's Cross Roads, Miss. Tupelo, Miss. Athens, Ala. Drewry's Bluff, Va. Bermuda Hundred, Va. Dutch Gap, Va. Deep Bottom, Va. Darbytown Road, Va. Hatcher's Run, Va. Fair Oaks, Va. Saltville, Va. Deveaux Neck, S.C. Boykin's Mills, S.C. Cox's Bridge, N.C. Fort Fisher, N.C. Wilmington, N.C. Spanish Fort, Ala. Fall of Richmond. Appomattox, Va. [Statistics retrieved from www.civilwarhome.com] Read More