Claiming about a Gendered Space - Essay Example

Gender Studies: Critically Discuss the Claim that Space is Gendered. College 18 Oct, 2008 Words: 1627 In this essay, we will critically examine the correlation between gender and space as applied to modern house design, taking a closer look into the current situation in Australia where the remnants of this methodology simply cannot be wished away. Right since the beginning of civilisation, disparities in spatial arrangements arose out of a need to illustrate the status differences between men and women (Spain, 1992). As a study of social theory, the purpose of this essay is to understand the precise nature in which "gendered spaces" demarcate power between men and women in their living space. According to sociologists Marx and Weber, "status" in a confined environment was historically distributed in such a way that men automatically elevated themselves to a higher status than women and this arrangement gradually percolated into each and every aspect of their mutual interactions, including architectural and spatial contexts (Blumberg, 1984; Collins, 1991; Huber, 1990; Whyte, 1978). It is believed many of the ills of contemporary home environment can be traced to these historic developments which should be easily rectifiable by incorporating "feminine" aspects of space design (Roberts, 1991). The case for a feminine urban theory can be built on an obvious assumption that women were historically "oppressed" by a system of patriarchy which denied them an active voice in matters dealing with not only urban planning but also other aspects of life such as politics, civic participation, games and sports, trade etc. (McDowell, 1984, Francke, 1985). Rendell, Penner & Borden (2000) criticise this theory for its ignoring of the histories surrounding matriarchal civilisations such as Ancient Egypt and Samoa. The authors suggest that the theory of "oppression" is at best, an oversimplification of any historical legacy conferred by gendered spaces. In order to study this problem in detail, one must place higher focus on technical aspects of gender spaces phenomenon (Rendell, Penner & Borden, 2000). This would be made clear by unique gender displays which affect spatial dynamics in an actual interaction. 1. Relative size: Men occupy more space than women in terms of body size and posture (Umiker-Sebeok, 1985). This automatically translates into a male obsession for large size for example, preferences as in phallus-shaped skyscrapers or large limousines. 2. Psychological withdrawal from the social context: Men are fiercely territorial and prepare for potential threats to their control of the situation whereas women are more inclusive about differing arrangements (Umiker-Sebeok, 1985). 3. Ritualised subordination: Women show signs of being controlled by others and have more appeasing behaviour such as smiling which leads to a curvi-linear pattern in design which can be seen in traditional kitchens (Umiker-Sebeok, 1985; Spain, 1992). Men, in contrast, are more dominant and unyielding which can be seen in their preference for bold lines manifesting in rectilinear patterns (90) (Umiker-Sebeok, 1985; Spain, 1992). 4. Functional Ranking: Men like to control the actions of others whereas women are more concerned with being at a gentle ease about themselves (Umiker-Sebeok, 1985). 5. Locations: Women are generally found in domestic locations such as kitchens and nursery whereas men are found in lot more diverse locations (Umiker-Sebeok, 1985). 6. Touch/Manipulation: It has been repeatedly observed that when it comes to touching and manipulating objects, men choose to manoeuvre them whereas women tend to gently caress/examine them (Umiker-Sebeok, 1985). 7. Movement: Men usually make movements which are both faster and farther from the central object (Umiker-Sebeok, 1985). Women, in contrast, are set at a more leisurely pace which is seen in the way they manipulate things (Umiker-Sebeok, 1985). In an Australian context, according to an experiment conducted on the US print and advertising industry, the relationship between gender, body space and strength enables achieving quantifiable measurements of different space figures segregated by gender. Consider the table below (Source: Umiker-Sebeok, 1985): From the table, it can be seen that the more space a figure takes up, the more masculine it is perceived to be. For example, "wide stance", "height", "wide shoulders", "arms out" are generally considered masculine qualities which was quantified at the lower end of the spectrum according to a 7-point scale (Umiker-Sebeok, 1985). In contrast, the feminine qualities of 'shortness", "narrow stance" and "arms at side" were quantified at the higher end of the spectrum in the 7-point scale (Umiker-Sebeok, 1985). The masculine attributes were also associated with strength and character whereas the feminine attributes were equated with beauty and grace which remains a defining feature of gender spacing (Umiker-Sebeok, 1985). Let's return to our previous discussions on sociological "status" perspective of gendered spaces. As discussed by Bourdieu, according to one of the most common suggestions on sexual identity, he found this as a repetition of codes which have direct correlation to cultural phenomena (Bourdieu, 1993). Bourdieu has stated that it becomes automatic for people to think, feel, and act towards defined languages, images, and practices and even towards a distinct belief without the inquiry of reasons behind these gendered actions (Bourdieu, 1993). Habitus, is thus just not a series representation but one which operates and follows a certain language which he called the" logic of practice" Habitus implies architecture as an "embodied space", thus this space can function as a point for an objective idea. (Bourdieu, 1993). In all its essence, habitus is a gendered phenomena. It's a logic derived from a set of conditions which gives meaning to practices hat regulates how a persons response to certain conditions. (Bourdieu, 1993). Architecture can a be a perfect example of how habitus operates through the specific distribution of bodies in space setting a demarcation on how male and females interact with the medium. An example shows how architecture and space are divided by partitions of different heights proportional to the floor, indicating the presence of social hierarchies within cultures. (Bourdieu, 1993). History would often suggest that our society is patriarchal. And that despite the notion of "empty" or "neutral" art, habitus incorporates a way of representation which in architecture which denotes phallocentrism or male superiority (Spain, 1992). Anthropomorphism which is the defined as the male body imagery becomes very evident, forms the phallic skyscrapers required in muscular forms of architecture of civic buildings. Masculine power and dominance is thus, expressed properly in a city's urban architecture. An architectural survey and associated studies has revealed that architects try to humanize the "architectural body" in all ways that they possibly can. These artists firmly believe in the formal relationship between human body and architecture which guaranteees the conveyance of natural beauty to architecture (McLeod, 1996). Nevertheless, the Renaissance standard in architecture patterned itself on Vitruvian texts which are more popularly known as the Bible of Western Architecture sticking to the "anthropomorphism" archetype (McLeod, 1996). Thus, they boldly state that the male body is at the center of unconscious architectural system and morphology. Having the orthodox male supremacy ideals of man being the highest among creatures, they believe that architectural harmonies should be designed in the image of man. (McLeod, 1996). While dealing with country-specific examples on gender spacing architecture, one should explore the intersection of gender and space to a critical dimension (Spain, 1992). In case of Australia, the traditional biased representation of the feminine form was based on an abhorrence of interplay between feminism and architecture (Johnson et al, 2000). In 1972, Max Freeland published his book titled "Architecture in Australia" which has ever since become a major textbook for the in-depth study of Australian architecture. In that period of time, there were nearly 218 female architects in the country (Johnson et al, 2000). Despite this, the book has no major references to feminism in architectural achievements of the country indicating a strong pull towards male-oriented gender spaces (Johnson et al, 2000). Much to the dismay of feminist groups, the only mention of a "woman" in the field of architecture was in the acknowledgment of the wife of Walter Griffin being the "co-author" of his award design called the Canberra.(Johnson et al, 2000). After a long interval of time, a1997 book by Grahan Jahn, "Sydney Architecture" found with regret the acknowledgment of women in the field of architecture was not improving even by the late 1990's. This book essentially focused on the significant contribution of Australian architects to the richness of their culture but the author failed to mention the roles of women in the present day status of this art. Similar to Freeman, Jahn gave sole credit to Griffin as the designer of the Castlecrag houses and a few "male" newbies in Sydney architecture (Johnson et al, 2000). Like Freeman's "Architecture in Australia", this book is contradictory in many ways of ignoring the existence of women and their contribution towards modern architecture, indicating a strong bias for segregated spacing sense (Johnson et al, 2000). Although this may appear to be normal prejudice and a denigration of women's role in modern-day architecture, most feminist group might also argue that this is simply an oversight. And given the primary stereotyped roles of women in society as discussed in this essay, women architects are still too few to record a sharp distinction from their male counterparts and are forced to emulate masculine styles (Johnson et al, 1988). According to the views of a socialist feminist, this idea qualifies as a basic suppression of the female thought hindering them from further exploiting their talents (Harmann, 1988). Despite all such limitations, a postmodern feminist would positively look into the representation of women architects more as an ambivalence rather than a suppression Sometimes there is an absence of their acknowledgment and often, they are praised for this distinction. But this inconsistency is similar to the "absence" of women architects in the scene which is a state of reality in present-day Australia. These inconsistencies boldly disregard the important contribution made by women to the art and to the discipline.( Johnson et al, 2000) References Spain, D., 1992, Gendered Spaces, University of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill Blumberg, R.L., 1984, "A General Theory of Gender Stratification", Sociological Theory. Collins, R., 1991, Historical Change and the Ritual Production of Gender, Sage Publications. Huber, J., 1990, "Macro-Micro Links in Gender Stratification", American Sociological Review. Whyte, M.K., 1978, The Status of Women in Pre-Industrial Societies, Princeton University Press. Roberts, M., 1991, Living in a Man-made World: Gender Assumptions in Modern House Design, Routledge, London McDowell, L., 1984, "Towards an Understanding of the Gender Division of Urban Space", Environmental and Planning D: Society and Space, No.1, pp.59 - 72 Rendell, J., Penner, B., & Borden, I., 2000, Gender Space Architecture, Routledge, London. Francke, K., 1985, "Social Construction of the Physical Environment: The Case of Gender", Sociological Focus, Vol.18, No. 2, pp. 143 - 60 Umiker-Sebeok, J., 1985, "Power and the Construction of Gendered Spaces", International Review of Sociology, Vol.6, No.3, pp. 389-403. Bourdieu, P., 1993 "The Historical Genesis of a Pure Aesthetic." The Field of Cultural Production:Essays on Art & Literature. Cambridge,Massachusetts: Polity Press, 201-10. Outline of a Theory of Practice. Trans. R. Nice. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Cambridge McLeod, M., 1996, "Everyday and 'Other' Spaces." Architecture and Feminism. Eds. Debra Coleman, Elizabeth Danze, and Carol Henderson. New York: Princeton Architectural Press,. Harman, E 1988, "Capitalism, Patriarchy and the City, in C. Baldock & B. Cass (eds)", Women, Social Welfare and the State in Australia, 2nd edn, Allen & Unwin, Sydney Johnson, L.C with Huggins, Jackie & Jacobs, Jane M., 2000, Placebound: Australian Feminist Geographies, Oxford University Press, Melbourne. Jahn, G., 1997, Sydney Architecture, Watermark Press. Read More