Freud and Association of Dreams - Essay Example

FREUD Of OUTILINE This paper highlights contributions of the psychoanalytic pioneer-Sigmund Freud (1856-1939)-to developmental psychology. Although more than a generation apart, his life crossed in a way that left the younger man feeling a deep sense of intellectual continuity with the investigative spirit of his predecessor. Freud is known as the founder of psychoanalysis, but today's reader may find surprise in the extent to which his contributions frame a good deal of our contemporary developmental thinking. Freudian insights having to do with play, a Darwinian approach to individual ontogeny, nonconscious mental activity, and constructivism are highlighted. A theme of the paper is that the great contributor gave central importance to understanding individual meaning. He also addressed the challenges of understanding increasing developmental complexity, although neither acknowledged the challenge in these terms. The latter consideration frames a portrayal of the limitations of the ideas of each from our contemporary perspective. A final section of the paper looks to the future, invoking the creative spirit of these scientific ancestors as part of today's living history. I ask what the approaches of Freud offer us as we address the challenges of increasing complexity and seek new developmental advances in the 21st century. INTRODUCTION Freud's living contributions draw our attention to the meaning of individual experience. They tell us that much about the course of human development and its vicissitudes can be described in terms of lawful principles; priority, however, must be given to investigating individuality. In the discussion that follows in this paper, I shall emphasize Freud's influence on some key trends in today's developmental psychology, giving only brief mention to the history of child development between Freud's time and ours. It is hoped, however, that engaging in this kind of "back-to-the-future" journey will provide us with both pleasure and some fresh insights. DISCUSSION Freud was a practicing clinician who learned early that variations in private meaning cannot be taken for granted. Related to this point is another straightforward one, which, like the first, continues to permeate our developmental dialectics even today. This concerns the reality of psychic life and the assertion that understanding an individual's unique life and living perspective is worthy of both study and therapeutic attention. Strong contemporary statements of both points for developmental psychology can be seen in Bruner (2000) and in Stern (2003). PLAY Play offers a good way to begin taking a fresh look at Freud. We can envision Freud attending to the meaning of individual experience and theorizing in ways that are both simple and profound. Writing in 1920, Freud described observations of his 1 -year-old grandson who lived with him for some weeks. He commented that the child was not at all precocious in language development and frequently threw things away from himself-for example, in a corner or under a bed. On these occasions, the child often pronounced a long, drawn-out "Oooo"-an utterance that the child's mother and Freud agreed seemed to represent the German word fort (i.e., gone). One day I made an observation. The child had a wooden reel with a piece of string tied round it. what he did was to hold the reel by the string and very skillfully throw it over the edge of his curtained cot, so that it disappeared into it, at the same time uttering his expressive "Oooo." He then pulled the reel out of the cot again by the string and hailed its reappearance with a joyful "Da" (there). This, then, was the complete game-disappearance and return. As a rule, one only witnessed its first act, which was repeated untiringly as the game in itself, for there is no doubt that the greater pleasure was attached to the second act. (Freud, 1920/2003a. p. 15) Freud added a footnote to this work in which he documents a subsequent observation that seemed to confirm his inference. One day the child's mother had been away for several hours and on her return was met with the words "Baby Oooo!" which was at first incomprehensible. It soon turned out, however, that during this long period of solitude the child had found a method of making himself disappear. He had discovered his reflection in a full-length mirror which did not quite reach to the ground, so that by crouching down he could make his mirror image "gone." (Freud, 1920/2003a,p.15) Most of Freud's developmental contributions were derived from reconstructions of adults in analysis. Here, however, we find one of Freud's rare recorded observations of children used to formulate a theory of play that has persisted as a cogent one to the present time. The origins of play in early childhood have to do with the child's actively repeating the experience of separation and return so as to master the tension of helplessness when mother is not present. In today's terms we can appreciate that what Freud did was to generate the basis for a motivation to master (see Morgan & Harmon, 2003; White, 2002; Yarrow et al., 2002). In addition, he even came close, in the above-cited mirror observation, to providing a basis for what is later taken up in our psychology as the onset of reflective self-awaRenss at this age (see Amsterdam, 2000; Lewis & Brooks-Gunn, 1999; Schulman & Kaplowitz, 1997). Returning to play, however, he discovered something more (Freud, 1926/1999). Peek-a-boo was an infancy game that seemed prototypic, with a particular aspect of this game being especially important. Freud noted that the mother encouraged the infant's becoming aware of return after her disappearance "by playing the familiar game of hiding her face from it with her hands and then, to its joy, uncovering it again" (Freud, 1926/1999, pp. 169-170). Again, in today's terms we can see a basis for what is referred to in Vygotskian theory as maternal scaffolding in early infant communications (Bruner, 2000; Kaye, 2000) and, even more remarkable, we can see a basis for emotional scaffolding, something that is just beginning to command research attention (Biringen & Robinson, 2001). It is interesting to note that the child's response to separation became a Freudian prototype not just for mastery and play but for ego development in general. Mourning, he postulated, is a reaction to loss that is possible when the child develops a separate sense of self and can come to grips with another's no longer existing. Moreover, a transformation in internal mental structuring was seen to take place through identification, a process Freud also linked to the psychological awaRenss of separation from loved objects (i.e., from caregiving parents). 1 Although we are not assuming the task of tracing the intervening lines between Freud's time and ours, it is important to point out that the ideas cited above formed a basis for the line of thinking that led to the so-called British Object Relations School that became so influential in clinical work with mothers and children (Balint, 1998; Fairbairn, 2002; Guntrip, 2001; Winnicott, 2003). It also led to the thinking of Spitz (2003) and of Bowlby (1999) who made direct contributions to research in child development. The contributions of John Bowlby and his attachment theory to our contemporary thinking is the subject of another article in the American Psychological Association Centennial Series (Bretherton, in press). Still, we often lose sight of the fact that today's attachment research, launched so productively by Ainsworth and her students (Ainsworth, Blehar, Waters, & Wall, 1998), and based on observations of separations and reunions in early childhood, has its clear origins in these contributions of Freud. DARWINIAN APPROACH TO INDIVIDUAL ONTOGENY That Freud took Darwin's evolutionary approach and applied it to the individual ontogeny of psychological functioning is widely appreciated (see Ritvo, 2000; Sulloway, 1999). Early in his clinical career, Freud came to appreciate, citing Darwin, that an individual's behavior could be better understood if functions were taken into account not just in terms of a present situation but also in terms of a past history, and "as Darwin has taught usof actions which originally had a meaning and served a purpose" (Freud, 1895/2003b, p. 181). What subsequently came to be known as the genetic point of view (really an ontogenetic view) then occupied a central place in psychoanalytic psychology. Priority was assigned to early experience, with Freud emphasizing the successive, orderly nature of developmental phases. Moreover, in analogy to Darwin's evolutionary principles of competition and natural selection (as well as his emotion expression principles of thesis and antithesis; see Ritvo, 2000), Freud identified conflict, along with its dynamic resolution and synthesis, as central in both mental development and symptom formation. Freud's theorizing about successive phases of childhood conflict (i.e., the psychosexual stages of development) is well known. Less widely appreciated, however, are two other aspects of Freud's theorizing that stem from the genetic point of view. These have to do with what we would today consider an early version of a developmental systems approach and a developmental progression for mastering helplessness. The latter contributions can be highlighted by considering the two major developmental books of Freud. Once more, we will be selective, picking features that are influential today and putting matters in contemporary terms insofar as possible. Freud wrote Three Essays on the Theory of Sexuality in 1905/2002b, and in spite of its voice that addressed a sexually suppressed audience of the time, it is full of accessible insights for today's reader. The first essay discussed sexual aberrations. Two formulations emerge. First, such aberrations were seen as exaggerations of component processes of healthy sexual life. Second, what was seen as pathological about these exaggerations were their exclusiveness and fixation (or rigidity). In other words, pathology occurs when the components of what is usually organized in normal sexuality are exaggerated or come apart and are not under the organizing influence of a biologically adaptive overall sexual aim. The neuroses (e.g., hysteria) are characterized by an excessive aversion to sexuality as well as an excessive craving. A conflict between the two cravings results in symptom formation. The neuroses also illustrate a lack of the usual organization of sexual functioning in that symptoms reflect exaggerations of components that have both active and passive features. Normal sexual life, on the other hand, contrasts with this situation. There is some activity (or discharge) and some inhibition; there is neither a fixed exaggerated discharge of sexuality (as in sexual deviation) nor is there a massive inhibition of sexuality (as in the neuroses). The second essay addressed infantile sexuality. In his theory of erotogenic zones, Freud came to the idea that early forms of infantile sexuality revolve around self-preservative adaptive functions. Thus thumb sucking gives sensual pleasure in relation to nourishment; anality provides sexual pleasure in relation to defecation and genital pleasure occurs in relation to micturition. Although the erotogenic zones have predominance in developmental phases according to a lawful and ordered sequence, they do not come preformed. Instead, as Freud discussed, they are codetermined (using our terms of today) by biological preparedness and by particular experience with a caregiving environment. Today we can see this as an early precursor of a developmental theory that enlists a progression of modes of functioning, as well as a progression of zones of predominance (Erikson, 2000) and of broader stage-related theories of cognitive development (Piaget, 2000). Freud's ideas can also be seen as an early version of today's dialogues about epigenesis (for example, Gottlieb, 2001). Freud's third essay addressed transformations of puberty and placed his psychosexual theory in what we today could call a developmental systems framework. Earlier sexuality is characterized by component aspects that are not yet connected and are relatively independent in their pleasure aims. Later in development, at puberty, these components become coordinated such that all aspects are directed toward another person and give pleasure under the sway of age-appropriate adaptive, reproductive functioning. What was organized previously as component sexual activity now generates pleasure, but it also yields increasing tension in forepleasure that builds toward the genital and pleasure connected with orgasm. Other features of this developmental progression of sexuality are also emphasized. The successive activation and inhibition of sexual phases in early childhood is a normal developmental process; if there is not such a progression, genital reorganization at puberty may not result. The order in which early childhood components of sexual activity occurs and their duration seems determined by heredity. Moreover, the long period of sexual maturation in the child before puberty allows for socialization of moral precepts, in particular, according to Freud, for inculcation of the barrier against incest. In a section of this essay that was added later, Freud introduced the model of a complemental series across development, one that expresses the influences between constitutional and environmental (or what Freud calls "accidental") factors. Both interact in determining developmental outcomes with respect to sexuality. Influences stemming from the environment in early childhood, however, have a place of preference. Thus, in early childhood the interaction of constitutional and environmental influences becomes dispositional, such that the later age complemental series involves the earlier age disposition interacting with later environmental (e.g., traumatic) influences. This discussion reminds us of contemporary views of temperament that conceptualize early dispositions as arising in similar ways, from innate tendencies interacting with environmental matches (Chess & Thomas, 2003). A remarkably modern-sounding section of the essay concerned a discussion of the influences from early childhood in the form of prototypes. There is an infantile prototype of every relation of love, and Freud draws special attention to sucking at mother's breast, a mode that he describes persisting as "anaclitic" and as an "attachment one" (Freud, 1905/2002b, p. 222). This mode becomes influential in that later choices for love are based on earlier prototypes of loving people who are caring. Freud also postulates that infantile anxiety is a reaction to feeling the loss of the caregiver's love. The latter is a basis for the infant's fear of strangers and also the young child's fear of the dark. To illustrate, Freud adds a vivid observation of a 3-year-old boy. The boy called out from the dark, "Auntie, speak to me! I'm frightened because it's so dark." His aunt answered him: "What good would that do You can't see me." "That doesn't matter," replied the child. "If anyone speaks, it gets light" (Freud, 1905/2002b, p. 224). Inhibitions, Symptoms, and Anxiety, which Freud wrote in 1926, continued ideas about early experiential prototypes and linked them in a developmental series. The focus was now on the affective realm-on helplessness, anticipatory anxiety, and symptom formation. Freud distinguished automatic anxiety (a more biologically based form that dominated his very early theories of psychopathology) from anxiety as a mental signal that anticipates the experience of helplessness. CONCLUSION The Freudian approach has particular relevance for modern developmental biology. As we map the human genome and as we investigate the genetic determination of brain development while tracing neural pathways with the technology of tomorrow, the Freudian approach urges us toward understanding the influences of experience. We need to investigate the individuality of that experience and to incorporate our findings in thinking about genetically influenced syndromes of personality and of pathology. If we do this, the study of individuality can then be pursued in terms of the dynamisms of gene-environment interactions through the course of life. The creative spirit of Freud also beckons us to rethink old ideas about consciousness in the light of today's cognitive sciences. Traditional ideas about dimensions of nonconscious activity need to be expanded, for example, with more investigations in areas that today are referred to as procedural, implicit, skill based, and distributed. The creative approaches of Freud also urge us to investigate factors concerning variability and the meaning of individual experience in social context. A wider array of family configurations and real experiences need to be introduced into our emerging individualized dynamic life-span psychology. 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