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International Relations paper - Essay Example

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In the modern era, geopolitics has crossed regional boundaries and tends to spread over a global arena. Powerful countries consistently exert influence to mould world politics according to their interests. This accounts for the geographical significance of states acting as major players in particular regions of the world…
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Introduction In the modern era, geopolitics has crossed regional boundaries and tends to spread over a global arena. Powerful countries consistently exert influence to mould world politics according to their interests. This accounts for the geographical significance of states acting as major players in particular regions of the world. For instance, the geographical significance of Middle Eastern region is unquestionable owing to its vast energy reserves that the industrial world needs for its rapid growth. In this way, countries tend to influence the political scenario in some regions so as to maintain their control on the world politics. The geopolitics is significant in modern international affairs, as it keeps the countries engaged in forming and maintaining strategic relationships with each other and makes even a single country dominate the whole world on the basis of power. The geopolitical influence that is exercised by the United States across different regions of the world remains unchallenged by any country in the world. Being the most powerful and hegemonic country in the world, it has its say in the political and economic landscape of almost every country. Understandably, United States has not achieved this dominance coincidently; rather this happens to be a fruit of continued endeavours of the country to expand its economic, political and military power across the globe. This paper evaluates and elaborates the extent of US geopolitical influence and strategic dominance over the geographically significant regions such as the Middle East, Central Asia and Southeast Asia. United States' Geopolitics and Strategic Plans The geopolitical objectives of the United States mainly encompass its conventional policies to conserve a significant share of world oil, to ensure a secure supply of energy resources, to dominate its existing and potential competitors, and most importantly to protect the existence of the state of Israel from any regional threats. Most of the US influence across the world signifies the same interests. Whether it is the critical state of regional stability in the Middle East, the pipeline politics in Central Asian Caucasus region, or its strategic influence in the Southeast Asia, the United States tends to play a significant role in shaping the regional and political landscape across the world. As Bromley (2005, p226) clearly illuminates that, "the routeing of pipelines, the policing of shipping lanes and the management of regional influences all depend heavily on US geopolitical commitments." Re-mapping of the Middle East The geopolitical influence in the Middle East allows United States not only to control regional politics, but also renders the oil dependent Western World as subordinate to US imperial objectives. In the wake of the 9/11 attacks, the re-mapping of Middle East has remained as one of the very important strategic objectives of the United States Perthes (2004, p85) assets that, "the U.S. administration has embraced the cause of bringing a "new order" to what it calls the Greater Middle East". The post attack invasion of Iraq and the subsequent plans to curtail Iran's nuclear expansion, happen to be a part of this goal. All the US strategies employed in the Middle East's expansion as well as democratisation rests on the objective of fostering a secure region for the state of Israel. Curtailing any threats posed to the existence of Israel by any country in the Middle East and preserving US dominance happen to be on the top of the American strategic targets in the region (Cantori, p102, 2005) Zanoyan (2003, p108) illuminates that the pre-eminent strategic objective of US presence in Iraq happens to be of the transformation of its regime into a government that is friendly to US plans in the region. In this way, US envisages not only to curtail the roots of terrorism but also to protect Israel from any potential radical Islamic threat. A regime change in Iraq also supports the US objective of strengthening Israel while culminating the ascending Palestinian aggression. Besides, the reformed Iraq would appear as a counter balance to the Saudi Arabia sway on the world oil supply. The situation on the Eastern borders of Iraq also accounts for the specific US geopolitical interests. Iran, with its continuous expansion of nuclear plans and radical Islamic intentions poses significant threats to the security of the American-protected state of Israel. Sadr (2005, p62) expounds that a future nuclear power acquisition on the part of Tehran is persistently perceived as detrimental to US-Israel imperial ambitions in the region. Not only that it will threaten the existence of Israel, but also would gain a considerable influence on regional political landscape. Hence, debilitating the stance of the current government and creation of a regime in Iran that is pro-western in its approach happens to be the most important aspect of US geopolitical concern with respect to the country. The prevailing uncertainty with respect to Iraq's future and the current domestic situation is paving way for a partitioned Iraq. This will accomplish the US aims concerning the re-mapping of the region with Turkey forfeiting the Northern part of the country, putting a direct and pernicious impact on Iran and Syria (Zanoyan, 2003, p111). Another possibility of creating an independent Kurd state in the presence of Shi'a and Sunni conflicts in Iraq is supposed to have a deadly impact on Iranian domestic politics, as the country also contains a substantial majority of Kurds within its domain. However, the United States is unable to pursue this strategy because it will elicit opposition from a significant US ally Turkey, because this attempt would lead to a rebellion among Kurds also dwelling in the country. Gunter (2004, p106) adds that, "to create an independent Kurdistan would threaten the territorial integrity of these pre-existing states" Hence, re-mapping of political influence in the Middle Eastern region happens to be one of the distinguished US strategic objectives. Presently, it confronts a dilemma of protecting US-Israel ambitions in the region and ensuring a continued supply of energy from the Middle Eastern countries. The approach of counter balancing the oil power in the form of Iraq in view of its current domestic position does not seem to work in the long run. Strengthening Kurds against Iran and Syria will also impair the internal environs in a strategic ally of US in the region. This perspective further enhances the eminence of geopolitics for the achievement of US goals in the Middle East. US Geopolitical Influence in Central Asia Central Asia has always remained significant to the US geopolitical aims because of its strategic geographical aspects. An abundance of energy resources, influence of Russia, and strategic interests of Iran and China in the Caucasus region are sufficient enough to elicit US imperial ambitions in the Central Asia. The US perceives the need to exercise its influence in the Central Asian region so as to combat its competitors and keep the hostile countries from competing with the United States in future. Geopolitics in Central Asia is significant to the United States because it helps the country to dominate world energy supply as well as curtail the influence of its major rivals in the region. It has been significantly engaged in providing arms and security assistance to the Uzbekistan, so as to enjoy a great influence on the internal policy-making of the state and debilitate its relationship with the Russia. Ever since the breakdown of Soviet Union, the US has also been providing health, education and economic assistance to other countries in the region in order to maintain good relations with these newly created states and eliminate the power of regional political regimes (Macfarlane, 2004, p456) The Caspian basin in the Central Asia happens to be significant for the United States because of the recent discovery of abundant oil and gas reserves in the Caucasus region. This region is bordered by countries such as Russia, China, India, Pakistan, Turkey and Iran, most of them having unfriendly relations with the United States (Bahgat, 2002, p314). Russia enjoys and wants to maintain its influence in the region and to control the oil and gas supply from the broken USSR countries to the rest of the world (Allison, 2004, p290). China, on the other hand, looks up to the region to secure a substantial provision of energy in future, owing to an ever-rising consumption of oil in the country and perceives the US military presence across its borders as threatening to its security position (Macfarlane, 2004, p459). An exploitation of energy reserves on the part of these countries comes as an eminent threat to the super power. In such a scenario, the major ambitions of United States' geopolitics in the region is to curtail the influence of Russia, China and Iran in the region and ensure a consistent supply of energy reserves to America and the rest of the world. The recently discovered energy reserve in the region cannot be transported via tankers, rather it needs to be transported via pipelines supposed to pass through several countries. The United States and other countries in the region have conflicts the issue of developing a route to carry these oil and gas resources from the Caspian Sea to the rest of the world, also referred to as the 'pipeline politics'. As Bahgat (2002, p322) illuminates, "the construction of a pipeline would provide the transit states with several financial and political benefits, including access to oil and gas for their domestic needs, and political leverage over the flow of oil and gas". The US policy driven by the motive of secure an energy supply to curtail its dependence on Arab countries for the provision of oil, opts for the pipeline involving either Turkey or Afghanistan that will by pass not only Russia but also Iran. Certainly, Russia, China and Iran, all oppose the development of this pipeline route causing delays to the creation of route that can be used to supply energy reserves from the Caspian region to the United States (Bahgat, 2002, p322). Although the proposed route via Iran offers the fastest and cheapest means to supply energy to the international market, it is unacceptable for the United States, as this would enhance the influence of Iran while curtailing that of the US in the region. On the contrary, Russia cannot opt for a route that would either be in sole US geopolitical objectives or minimise its influence in the region. It is so because ever since the breakdown of the Soviet Union, although with separate boundaries, a continued intervention in the political and economical landscape of the new created states happens to be a significant aspect of the Russian foreign policy (Allison, 2004, p290). In view of the region's geographical importance and potential threats to the American hegemony, it is in the strategic interest of the United States to maintain its geopolitical influence in the Central Asia. Sphere of US Geopolitics in South East Asia The claws of US geopolitical sway are deeply rooted also in the land of South East Asia; a region that is consistently drawing world attention owing to its rapidly accelerating economic growth. The existence of China and Japan, rising as potential economic powers and North Korea's expanding nuclear plans happen to be an important aspect of US interests in the region. Ever since the Cold War era, the country has remained so much involved in the Southeast Asia that the region's political and economic development tends to rest on strategic US objectives. In this region, the United States' geopolitics enables it to curtail any rising rivals by means of maintaining a balance of power. Threatened by a perceived minimisation of US influence, the country has never been in favour of developing regionalism in the region (Beeson, 2004, p8). Not only that such a cooperation on the part Asian powers like China and Japan would further bolster their rapid economic growth and render them much stronger to compete with the US domination. The US fosters friendly relations specifically with ASEAN countries, particularly Malaysia, Indonesia, Philippines and Brunei (Simon, 1991, p662) in the region. Where is the page number American existence in the Southeast Asia is supported mainly by Japan, being one the strategic allies of US in the region, in response to the rising economic power of China. One of the major geopolitical interests of the United States happens to be of creating the counter balance of power in the region. With most of the countries quickly climbing the ladders of economic growth, the United States finds its position much more convenient with respect to the diversity of major regional powers. While supporting Japan against the Chinese threat and bolstering Taiwanese menace for China availing the cross strait a political tension, the United States keeps the influence of China in the region to a minimum level. North Korean nuclear expansion programs, strengthening Chinese ties with the country and Russian attempts to balance its relations with both parts of the Korea are perceived as regional threat to the US hegemony. In this context also, the Japanese aggression towards North Korea and aims to dismantle the nuclear program of the country come as fortunate for the United States. Hence, this factor also integrates US-Japanese ambitions with respect to North Korea and China (Moltz and Quinones, 2004, p141). The exploitation of economic and political landscape of Southeast Asian region constitutes a very important part of the US geopolitical aims. This does not only engages the country's potential rivals in regional politics but also hampers their further growth. The enhanced regional cooperation, on the other hand, will be detrimental to this approach. Conclusion This paper exposes the domains of US interest and influence over the regions that are significant to the accomplishment of country's strategic geopolitical objectives. In the Middle Eastern region, the United States is initiating plans for a 'Greater Middle East' and exerts considerable influence to dominate the supply of energy from the region to the rest of the world and to topple any regime posing threat to the sovereignty of Israel. Within the Central Asia, the US military presence and intervention concerning the 'pipeline politics' are planned to curtail the influence of its major rivals. Finally, in the Southeast Asian region, the country's geopolitical strategies account for maintaining a balance of power with respect to the emerging regional giants so as to avoid these power and China, in particular, from rising up against US dominance. Hence, the US geopolitics is significant not only to the country itself, but has its impact on the rest of the world. References Allison, Roy, 'Strategic Reassertion in Russia's Central Asia Policy', International Affairs, 80(2), March 2004, pp. 277-293. Bahgat, Gawdat, 'Pipeline Diplomacy: The Geopolitics Of The Caspian Sea Region', International Studies Perspective, 3(3), August 2002, pp. 310-327. Beeson, Mark. (2003), "The United States and Southeast Asia: Change and Continuity in American Hegemony", in K. Jayasuriya (ed.) Crisis and Change in Regional Governance, London: Routledge. Bromley, Simon, 'The United States and the Control of World Oil', Government and Opposition, 40(2), Spring 2005, pp. 225-255. Cantori, Louis J, 'Evaluation the Bush Menu for Change in the Middle East', Middle East Policy, 12(1), spring 2005 pp. 102-104. Gunter, Michael M. 2004, "The Kurds in Iraq: Why Kurdish State Is Unlikely", Middle East Policy, 11(1), Spring 2004, pp. 106-131. Macfarlane, S Neil, 'The United States and Regionalism in Central Asia', International Affairs, 80(3), May 2004, pp. 447-461. Moltz James Clay. & Quinones, Kenneth, 'Getting Serious About A Multilateral Approach To North Korea', The Non-proliferation Review, 11(1), Spring 2004, pp. 136-144. Perthes, Vlker, 'America's "Greater Middle East" and Europe: Key Issues for Dialogue', Middle East Policy, 11(3), Fall 2004, pp. 85-97. Sadr, Ehsaneh I., 'The Impact of Iran's Nuclearisation on Israel', Middle East Policy, 12(2), Summer 2005, pp. 58-72. Simon, Sheldon W., 'US Interests in the Southeast Asia: The Future Military Presence', Asian Survey, 31(7), July 1991, pp. 662-675. Zanoyan, Vahan, 'Time for Making Historic Decisions in the Middle East', Middle East Policy, 10(1), Spring 2003, pp. 103-120. Read More
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