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Architecture of Race and Identity in the US - Essay Example

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The essay "Architecture of Race and Identity in the US" focuses on the critical analysis of the major issues on the architecture of race and identity in the United States. Hochschild raised several debatable claims about the architecture of race and identity in the United States…
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Architecture of Race and Identity in the US
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Hochschild raised several debatable claims about the architecture of race and identity in the United s. "The traditional nominal racial categories- black, white, Asian, Hispanic, are dissolving," Hochschild claims, "and they may be in the process of being replaced with a single, interval continuum based on skin tone." In her opinion, one potential political response to changes in racial identity might be to substitute racial categories in the U.S. census and college applications with a skin color chart . Jennifer Hochschild defines the underlying research question, which is, in her opnion, "how and how much do we need to rethink the way we understand the meaning of race in the United States" to move forward with democracy in 21st century America. The American dream is an impressive ideology that has lured people to America and moved them around within it. It is that idea that has encouraged millions of immigrants to strive in horrible conditions against impossible odds for centuries. Most Americans celebrate it unthinkingly, along with apple pie and motherhood; criticism is usually limited to imperfections in its application. But like apple pie and motherhood, the American dream turns out to be less than perfect upon closer examination. President Clinton has captured the bundle of shared tenets about achieving success that make up the ideology of the American dream. Those tenets answer the questions: Who may pursue the American dream In what does the pursuit consist How does one successfully pursue the dream Why is the pursuit worthy of our deepest commitment Although describing each tenet in detail is beyond the scope of this essay, we have to look at the flaws intrinsic to this dream, to gain better understanding of its validity and applicability in contemporary America. The first persuasion, which is that everyone can participate equally and can always start over, is troubling, as throughout most part of the American history, women of any race and men who were Native American, Asian, black, or just poor, were barred from all but a narrow range of elective positions. White men, especially European immigrants, able to ride the wave of the Industrial Revolution to comfort or prosperity, have always been the most valued members of the American society. Those who do not fit to that description, disappear from the collective self-portrait. The situation is that not only has the ideal of universal participation been denied to most Americans, but also the very fact of its denial is been denied in our national self-image. This state of things determines deep misunderstandings and correspondingly deep political tensions. In this essay, we will focus primarily on the first tenet. There is a huge population of Asian and Jewish immigrants who have carved a niche for themselves although there are a million others who have not succeeded. Media is laced with numerous success stories, but no one writes about those, who haven't used their golden chance, who live on welfare or charity. It would be tenable to imply that there are some qualities a person has to possess in order to become successful in the USA. Tocqueville's "Democracy in America" is reffered to as a classical work in sociology and political science. For modern Americans his observations that the president with, his almost royal prerogatives, will have a great need of virtue, are almost prophetic. Nowadays we see what is going on in Iraq, we observe the disenfranchising of voters in the USA, and, of course, we remember the "Patriot Act", which in effect repeals the Fourth Amendment. Thus we can conclude that Tocqueville was rightfully worried about the unlimited power of the majority, and its consequences. Many of his observations are as timeless and applicable as they were in his day. He stated : "Americans of all ages, all stations of life, and all types of disposition are forever forming associations...In democratic countries knowledge of how to combine is the mother of all other forms of knowledge; on its progress depends that of all the others." With regard to the gender bias he claimed that: "In America, more than anywhere else in the world, care has been taken constantly to trace clearly distinct spheres of action for the two sexes, and both are required to keep in step, but along paths that are never the same." And his claim is right for the contemporary America to the some extent. What is amazing about de Tocqueville is how uncanny many of his observations are, if we look over them a century and a half later. Ken Masugi, who wrote Interpreting Tocqueville's Democracy in America noted that the predictions he had made in 1844 that the world's two great powers would be the United States and Russia, turned out to be accurate. He also pointed out that Americans are people, who like to form associations, and he is so right 156 years later. Although he acknowledges the existence of the religious extremists on both ends, i. e fundamentalists and atheists, Tocqueville is sure that as a whole, we are a religious society, and that our religious views are moderate. From de Tocqueville, it could have been predicted that pop culture, such as rock music etc, would develop in America because the lack of an aristocracy causes a less cultured taste in the arts. Those, who argue that we have lost our liberties to a welfare state, might well find support in de Toqueville. Here, 100 years before the New Deal, he foresaw that a strong central government would take away our liberties but in a manner much benign than in a totalitarian government would have. De Tocqueville's observations of America in the early 19th century remain surprisingly relevant to America in the 21st century. As some reviewers have pointed out, his predictions are uncannily accurate. However it is De Tocqueville's understanding of what America is - and isn't - was what struck me most powerfully. Essentially De Tocqueville wanted to find out what made America "tick" and presented an argument, as to why our democracy would not work in Europe. His observations about what the Americans are remain true, and serve as the reminder of who we hope to become some day. Among the uniquely "American" features De Tocqueville writes about our society without rigid class lines - that each citizen is equal to the others, about the nobility of work; the informality of address (and of dress). The sense of social and economic opportunity that America provides through these attitudes, and the vast spaces and immense resources the country, enable Americans to literally make (or re-make) themselves. And, which is, perhaps, the most important, is the seriousness Americans perceive their rights, such as the right to vote, or run for public office. Forgiving some exaggeration, Tocqueville's and Hochschild's observations shows that regardless of the fact that a century and a half passed, which brought numerous social, political, and ethical changes to the American life, the tension between freedom and equality in contemporary America still exists. And, if the problem of racial and gender discrimination is being resolved gradually, the situation with civil liberties is becoming worse with each passing year. The thing is that the Americans are read to sacrifice lots of their liberties to ensure their safety. The problem is that the existing situation is threatening to the very notion of America as a democratic and liberal state. Works Cited 1. Hochschild, J.L. Facing Up to the American Dream: Race, Class, and the Soul of the Nation. Princeton University Press, 1995. 2. Tocqueville de, A. Democracy in America. Library of America, 2004 3. Masugi K. Interpreting Tocqueville's Democracy in America. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 1991 Read More
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