Continuity Irish Republican Army: Past, Present, and Future - Essay Example

The Continuity Irish Republican Army: Past, Present, and Future Introduction The Continuity Irish Republican Army (CIRA) is one of Ireland's most active terrorist groups. They are violent supporters of Irish Nationalism and have not been a party to the cease-fire that is observed by the Provisional Irish Republican Army (PIRA). They are a shadowy group that operates in secrecy and with a well-hidden membership. Little is publicly known about their financing or their leadership. This paper will present information taken from credible international sources and documents to construct a picture of the CIRA. It will demonstrate their origins, motives, and speculate on their future plans. The paper will be presented as a fact-finding document and will present no political bias on the issues that surround the CIRA. It is the intention to inform the public on the CIRA and present a clearer picture of the threat they may pose and who their likely targets may be. History of the CIRA To understand the brief history of the CIRA, it is helpful to know the history of the Irish Republican Army (IRA) and its political struggle for Irish nationalism. The IRA was a military organization that grew out of the Irish Volunteers, and was recognized by the Lower House of parliament as the legitimate army of the declared Irish Republic in 1919. The Irish Republic had been established as the result of the Easter Uprising in 1916, which sought to expel British rule. A group of Irish republicans led the revolt and sought to win independence through armed conflict with Britain. Subsequent years of civil strife resulted in the Anglo-Irish Treaty, which was a compromise that established an Irish Free State within the British Empire. The resulting division between the pro-treaty supporters and the republican radicals set the stage for the Irish civil war. After suffering defeat in the civil war, the radical IRA continued to fight for an Irish Republic. They fought against the occupying British army over the next several decades using terrorist and guerrilla tactics. The IRA maintained a long-standing policy of refusing to take seats in the Lower House of parliament. The IRA's General Army Convention (GAC) reversed this policy, known as absenteeism, in 1986. Hard line republicans opposed this change and contended it was against the original constitution of the IRA and the Sinn Fein. The members that opposed the change in absenteeism policy split from the PIRA and reformed as the CIRA. This established the CIRA as the more radical splinter group and they proclaimed themselves to be the only legitimate IRA. Though the CIRA has been in existence since 1986, it was relatively inactive until the cease-fire of 1994. The statement by the IRA said, in part, "[...] the IRA have decided that as of midnight, August 31, there will be a complete cessation of military operations. All our units have been instructed accordingly" ("Irish Republican Army"). The CIRA did not agree to abide by the cease-fire and continued its goal of uniting Northern Ireland and Ireland in a socialist republic through armed conflict. This was the beginning of the modern and visible CIRA as it exists today. Group Leadership and Organizational Structure There has been some confusion over the terms Continuity IRA (CIRA) and the Real IRA (RIRA). Both groups have similar political goals and both advocate violence. Neither group has agreed to abide by the cease-fire as agreed to by the PIRA. Both groups consider themselves the sole legitimate IRA. The CIRA split during the 1986 debate over absenteeism, and the RIRA was formed from radical PIRA members who dissented from the cease fire agreement. Though they have some collusion and cooperation, they operate as separate organizations, leadership, and structure. Initially CIRA was led by Chief of Staff Daith O Conaill until his death in 1991. He was a hard line republican who had been active in the IRA for 4 decades. When he died in 1991, it was reported that an unnamed man from Limerick assumed control (CIRA Bomb Adds to Growing Crisis). Another leading figure in the CIRA was Michael Hegarty, who was arrested in 1995 and was remanded in custody in connection with the possession of explosives (Kerr). Hegarty had been active in the Republican Sin Fein (RSF) and it has been speculated that the CIRA was the armed group of the Sin Fein. This was confirmed by in 1996 when the RSF-controlled Irish Republican Publicity Bureau' announced that "a reborn Irish Republican Army had emerged led by the Continuity Army Council" (Kerr). The leadership of the Continuity IRA is believed to be based in the Munster and Ulster areas. Though membership estimates range as high as 500 members, the US State Department states that there are 50 hard core activists (Chapter 8). Many of the members are disaffected PIRA members who have split due to the disagreements on absenteeism and the cease fire, Many viewed the cease fire agreement as an unacceptable compromise. The police have had some success in reducing the CIRA's strength, especially in June of 2003 when they arrested a senior member of the group with five RIRA men in a vehicle, recovering two powerful bombs. The police had success again later the same year when they raided a suspected CIRA training camp in the Republic of Ireland, arresting 10 members and confiscating weapons, ammunitions and other paramilitary equipment. CIRA is seeking to advance their engineering capabilities to build more effective bombs and has been able to access weapons with greater ease. The U.S. State Department put CIRA on its Foreign Terrorist Organization list in July of 2004. While the group has had some recruitment problems, it is still increasing its membership, and obtaining more weapons and explosives, leaving authorities to fear that there will be more terrorist attacks from it in the future (Sapone). Propensity of the Group to use Violence and Types of Tactics Employed The CIRA is committed to continuing the armed struggle against British rule and have been involved in numerous acts of violence. After the formation of the CIRA in 1986, the group was relatively quiet and was not known for any acts of violence. After the cease-fire in 1996, the group became more active. The CIRA has committed numerous act of violence in Northern Ireland. They have been responsible for bombings, assassinations, kidnapping, hijackings, and extortion. The group is known to have obtained rifles, machine guns, pistols and Semtex (commercial explosive) from the RIRA. It is also thought that the CIRA has established arms trading with weapons and explosives being shipped from the Balkans (Ireland's Own: History). It is also believed that the CIRA has obtained explosives from the PIRA that was originally meant for use by the PIRA. The CIRA claimed responsibility for several bombings including the bombing of a Hotel in Enniskillen in 1996, which involved the use of 1,200 pounds of explosives. They are also suspected of placing a bomb on a "hijacked bus outside a west Belfast police station in 2001, and placing bombs in Banbridge, Markethill, Moria and Portadown" ("In the Spotlight"). They are believed to have been involved in the bombing at the BBC Television center in London as well as the Hammersmith Bridge in 2000. They are also known for using the tactic of planting hoax devices. Though most activity is aimed at the British military, they have targeted civilians on several occasions. Possible Social, Political, and Economic Factors in the Group's Creation The conflict in Northern Ireland is one of the longest sustained conflicts of the twentieth century. Explanations for the violence have been attributed to subjects ranging from religious hatred to material gain. However, these explanations usually fall short of explaining the longevity of the conflict and the hard line and steadfast of the warring factions. According to Sapone, "The key to the continuity of the conflict is neither economic nor sectarian, but cultural". Cultural values have united the Republican community to maintain the struggle for British withdrawal and the independence of Ireland. Much of the funding for CIRA comes from the Balkans and sympathetic US Catholics. The social environment in which Republicans live in Northern Ireland only validates the perception of the British as a justifiable enemy and adds to the necessity of an armed struggle. "The poverty, discrimination, social isolation and unemployment which Catholics in Northern Ireland experienced as a minority in a Protestant-majority state reinforced their perception of themselves as victims of a repressive colonial regime" (Sapone). In the Republican communities of Northern Ireland, many families have known friends and relatives that have been injured or killed British security forces or imprisoned for anti-British activity. The widely held view of the Republicans id that the British are intent on destroying the Irish culture, and deny them any opportunity for self-rule. This has manifested in the armed, hostile presence of British military weapons, transports, and soldiers. Republicans view this as a social intrusion and consider it a psychological occupation In addition to cultural conditions that have been at the root of the conflict, the British political and military policy has contributed to the length of the war. The British Army first engaged in Northern Ireland in 1969 under the goal of conducting peacekeeping operations. Although the British were initially engaged to put a stop to "Loyalist rioting in which the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) were colluding, the violence quickly escalated" (Sapone). Directed by General Tuzo, the Army conducted a number of large-scale military operations, such as the taking of prisoners, the capturing of territory, particularly urban, and the use of extreme force. "The situation in Northern Ireland certainly looked like war; IRA prisoners were even accorded a de facto POW status by the British government" (Sapone). Alliances (if any) of the group with other organizations or movements The CIRA and RIRA are known to have colluded and have been working together in order to achieve their common goal of dismantling the Good Friday Agreement. The Police Service of Northern Ireland believes that the groups are cooperating by the common use of personnel and the exchange of weapons. It is believed that the groups are not consolidated, but rather cooperate to increase the their effectiveness. Security forces suspect that the CIRA has received covert support and backing from current members of the PIRA, especially members in Co Armagh who are dubious about the current peace process but who have not severed their links with the PIRA. In addition to receiving covert support from PIRA members dissatisfied with the peace process, CIRA has worked with other Republican groups opposed to the peace process most notably the Irish National Liberation Army (INLA). It has been speculated that support for the CIRA may diminish in the wake of escalating violence. Security sources also believe that the CIRA has been coordinating with other Republican groups opposed to the peace process: Though CIRA is a relatively small organization, they are linked to the more powerful groups such as the Republican Sinn Fein; and the Marxist hard-line Irish National Liberation Army (INLA), which called a cease-fire after the Omagh massacre. With a RIRA cessation of operations and an INLA cease-fire in force, the CIRA is the only dissident group that has not declared a cease-fire at the time of this writing (Sapone). Political/Security Significance of the Group The CIRA has adopted some of the tactics used by the PIRA during the latter's campaign of violence. The CIRA has sought to attack the North's economic structure by setting off bombs in commercial locations and centers of commerce such as malls and shops. The group has inflicted damage on Northern Ireland's security forces by the use of mortars and home made car bombs. They have also attempted to restrict movement in Northern Ireland through the use of landmines. However, many of these tactics have been ineffectual. The CIRA has sought to fund its activities, especially arms procurement, by armed robbery Many of these operations have been interrupted or intercepted by the police in the Republic and the UK. Security forces. There has been some speculation that the CIRA may have created sleeper cells with the UK for the purpose of launching future attacks. The CIRA has consistently proclaimed a policy of not inflicting civilian casualties. However, the policy of setting off car bombs in populated areas, even with warnings, would inevitably lead to loss of civilian life. Over the longer term, the CIRA seeks by violence to convince the British that it is time to withdraw from Northern Ireland and appears willing to see Protestants who cannot accept a united Ireland re-locate to the UK. In the shorter term, it has sought to embarrass the Sinn Fein leaders, as they become involved in the peace process by showing that the Sinn Fein has failed to deliver peace. Some CIRA operations seemed to be geared with the purpose of sabotaging the peace process. It is also believed that the actions of the CIRA are designed to provoke a violent reaction from the Protestant Loyalists. "A Loyalist massacre of innocent Catholics in retaliation for an RIRA outrage would put great pressure on the Provos to break the cease-fire and retaliate" (Sapone). However, CIRA targets have resulted in both Catholic and Protestant deaths and they have formed a unified dislike for the CIRA. Predictions as to the group's future capabilities, possible types of operations and survivability. The CIRA has been discredited by the violence directed at both Protestants and Catholics, and by the feeling has reverberated throughout Ireland. The CIRA has come under pressure from the PIRA to disband and cease operations. There has been speculation that the PIRA may take retaliatory measures against the CIRA due the damage they have done to the Sinn Fein. However, most gardai believe that any subsiding of violence will be only temporary. As Sapone notes, "The CIRA has some battle-hardened terrorists in its ranks who are unlikely to be deterred from future violence [...]". Even if there is an agreement at the upper levels to disband and disarm, the hard line core "will dissent and press ahead with the war" (Sapone). The leadership has recently agreed to a cessation of violence, but has stopped short of disbanding the organization. The CIRA is facing an uncertain future. In recent months, the police have scored a series of successes against the group, giving rise to speculation that there is a mole in the ranks or that the Provos have infiltrated the group and are tipping off the authorities. The atrocities inflicted by the CIRA have turned the fury of the Irish public and media against those perceived to have CIRA links. A security clampdown by Dublin and London is likely to squeeze the CIRA pariahs even more. However, despite all this pressure, one can expect certain CIRA diehards to blithely ignore the clamor for peace and to cling to the policy of the bomb and the bullet. Conclusion The CIRA is continuing the armed struggle for Irish unity and independence. Though they are a limited group in number, they have a hard core motivation and access to resources to inflict violence. Their struggle rests in an ideology of independence and justice. For this reason, they will be able to maintain a hard line center of support and be able to elicit cooperation from other groups, most importantly is their close association with the PIRA. Based on the history and the motivations behind the propensity for violence, it is unlikely that the CIRA will cease their operations. Because the Irish people, both Catholics and Protestants, have been harmed by the CIRA there is a popular affront to the organization. However, this condemnation by the PIRA and loyalists is not likely to curtail their activities. Works Cited Aftergood, Steven . Continuity Irish Republican Army (CIRA). 13 July 2004. Federation of American Scientists. 14 Feb. 2007 . "Chapter 8. Foreign Terrorist Organizations." Country Reports on Terrorism. 28 Apr. 2006. US State Department. 14 Feb. 2007 . "CIRA Bomb Adds to Growing Crisis in the Peace Process." The Irish Examiner 2 July 2000. 14 Feb. 2007 . "In the Spotlight: Continuity Irish Republican Army (CIRA)." Center for Defense Information. 18 July 2005. CDI. 16 Feb. 2007 . Ireland's Own: History. 2004. 16 Feb. 2007 . "Irish Republican Army (IRA) Ceasefire Statement, 31 August 1994." CAIN Web Service. 4 Jan. 2007. University of Ulster. 14 Feb. 2007 . Kerr, David. "The Continuity IRA." Ulster Nation. 1997. 14 Feb. 2007 . Sapone, Montgomery . "Ceasefire: The Impact of Republican Pollitical Culture on the Ceasefire Process in Northern Ireland." George Mason University. 16 Feb. 2007 . Read More